life is possible for me only where Christ is

ζάω contr. ζῶ (Hom.+) impf. ἔζων (Ro 7:9 B ἔζην; on this form s. Schwyzer I 675; B-D-F §88; Mlt-H. 194, both w. ref.); fut. ζήσω (uniformly attested Ro 6:2; Hb 12:9); the later (since Hippocr. VII p. 536 L.; LXX; AscIs 3:9; Jos., Ant. 1, 193 al.) form ζήσομαι (B-D-F §77; Rob. 356) is more common (on the fut. forms s. JLee, NovT 22, ’80, 289–98; GKilpatrick, ibid. 25, ’83, 146–51); 1 aor. ἔζησα. On the LXX usage s. Thackeray 269; for forms in pap, Gignac II 370.

① to be alive physically, live

ⓐ of physical life in contrast to death

α. gener. Ac 22:22; Ro 7:1, 2, 3; 14:8ac; 1 Cor 7:39; 2 Cor 5:15a; 6:9; Hb 9:17. ψυχὴ ζῶσα a living soul (Gen 1:20 al.; Just., D. 6, 1 ζῇ ψυχῇ) 1 Cor 15:45 (Gen 2:7); Rv 16:3 v.l. ὅσα ἔτη ζῇ as many years as he lives B 10:6 (cp. SIG 663, 6; Sb 173, 6 Αὐρήλιος ζήσας ἔτη νε´; En 10:10). τὸ ζῆν life (Attic wr., ins, pap, LXX) ὥστε ἐξαπορηθῆναι ἡμᾶς καὶ τοῦ ζῆν so that we even despaired of life 2 Cor 1:8. διὰ παντὸς τοῦ ζῆν during the whole lifetime Hb 2:15 (cp. Diod S 1, 74, 3 διατελεῖν πάντα τὸν τοῦ ζῆν χρόνον; 4, 46, 4). ἔτι ζῶν while he was still living= before his death Mt 27:63 (CB I/2 660 no. 618 Ζώσιμος ἔτι ζῶν κατεσκεύασεν; 3 Km 12:6). ζῶντες ἐβλήθησαν … εἰς τὴν λίμνην τοῦ πυρός they were thrown alive into the lake of fire Rv 19:20. ζῶσα τέθνηκεν though alive she is dead 1 Ti 5:6 (cp. Sextus 7). ἡμεῖς οἱ ζῶντες we during our (earthly) life 2 Cor 4:11; the same phrase= we who are still living 1 Th 4:15, 17. Here the opp. is νεκροί, as in Mt 22:32; Mk 12:27; Lk 20:38a. ζῶντες καὶ νεκροί the living and the dead Ac 10:42; Ro 14:9b; 2 Ti 4:1; 1 Pt 4:5; 2 Cl 1:1; B 7:2.—Occasionally the contrast betw. νεκρός and ζῆν is used fig. with ref. to the realm of religion and ethics Lk 15:24 v.l., 32.

β. of dead persons who return to life become alive again: of humans in general (3 Km 17:23) Mt 9:18; Ac 9:41; 20:12; Rv 20:4, 5; AcPl Ha 11, 7. Of Jesus Mk 16:11; Lk 24:5, 23; Ac 1:3; 25:19; Ro 14:9a; 2 Cor 13:4a; Rv 1:18b; 2:8 (Just., D. 69, 6 νεκροὺς … ζῆν ποιήσας).

γ. of sick persons, if their illness terminates not in death but in recovery be well, recover (Artem. 4, 4 ἔζησεν ὁ παῖς=became well; 5, 71; 72; PGM 1, 188; 4 Km 1:2; 8:8 εἰ ζήσομαι ἐκ τῆς ἀρρωστίας μου ταύτης; Jos., Vi. 421) Mk 5:23; J 4:50, 51, 53.—Of removal of anxiety 1 Th 3:8.

δ. also of healthy persons live on, remain alive (X., An. 3, 2, 39 ὅστις δὲ ζῆν ἐπιθυμεῖ πειράσθω νικᾶν; Ep. 56 of Apollonius of Tyana [Philostrat. I 359, 14]; ApcMos 31 διὰ τί σὺ ἀποθνῄσκεις καγὼ ζῶ;) Ac 25:24; 28:4. ἐὰν ὁ κύριος θελήσῃ ζήσομεν Js 4:15. ὸ̓ς ἔχει τὴν πληγὴν τῆς μαχαίρης καὶ ἔζησεν Rv 13:14.

ε. of beings that in reality, or as they are portrayed, are not subject to death: of Melchizedek Hb 7:8 (opp. ἀποθνῄσκοντες ἄνθρωποι). Jesus as everlasting high priest πάντοτε ζῶν 7:25.—In this sense it is most comprehensively applied to God (s. CBurchard, Untersuch. zu JosAs p. 103) (ὁ) θεὸς (ὁ) ζῶν (cp. 4 Km 19:4, 16; Is 37:4, 17; Hos 2:1; Da 6:21 Theod.; 3 Macc 6:28; TestAbr A 17 p. 99, 10 [Stone p. 46]; TestJob 37:2; JosAs 49:3 al.; SibOr 3, 763; POxy 924, 11 [IV A.D., Gnostic]; PGM 4, 1038 ὁ μέγας ζῶν θεός; 7, 823; 12, 79; Philo, Decal. 67 ὁ ζῶν ἀεὶ θεός; Orig., C. Cels. 8, 59, 18.—The phrase ‘the living God’ is not found in Joseph.) Mt 16:16; 26:63; J 6:69 v.l.; Ac 14:15; Ro 9:26 (Hos 2:1); 2 Cor 3:3; 6:16; 1 Th 1:9; 1 Ti 3:15; 4:10; 6:17 v.l.; Hb 3:12; 9:14; 10:31; 12:22; Rv 1:18a; 4:10; 7:2; 10:6; 2 Cl 20:2; GJs 20:1; AcPl Ha 2, 32; also ὁ ζῶν πατήρ J 6:57. W. the addition εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων Rv 15:7; cp. 4:9 (cp. Tob 13:2; Sir 18:1). God takes a sovereign oath in the words ζῶ ἐγώ as surely as I live (Num 14:28 al.) Ro 14:11 (Is 49:18; classical parallels GStählin, NovT 5, ’62, 142 n. 2). ζῇ κύριος ὁ θεός [μου] as surely as the Lord my God lives GJs 4:1; 6:1; 13:3; 15:3; 19:3 (Judg 8:19; 1 Km 25:34 al; GrBar 1:7; cp. ApcEsdr 2:7); in expanded form καὶ ζῇ ὁ Χριστὸς αὐτοῦ 15:4 (s. deStrycker ad loc.).—Christ lives διὰ τὸν πατέρα because of the Father J 6:57b (s. Bultmann, comm. ad loc.).

ⓑ w. mention of that upon which life depends ἐπί τινι on the basis of someth. (Andoc. 1, 100; Isocr. 10, 18; Ael. Aristid. 28, 103 K.=49 p. 525 D.) ζ. ἐπʼ ἄρτῳ live on bread Mt 4:4; Lk 4:4 (both Dt 8:3). ζ. ἔκ τινος obtain one’s living fr. someth. (Aristoph., Eccl. 591; Demosth. 57, 36; POxy 1117, 19; 1557, 12; TestJob 47:1f) 1 Cor 9:14.

ⓒ w. more precise mention of the sphere (Artem. 3, 62 ἐν ἀγορᾷ ζ.=spend his life in the marketplace) ζ. ἐν σαρκί live in the flesh in contrast to the heavenly life Phil 1:22; Gal 2:20c; ζ. ἐν κόσμῳ live in the world Col 2:20. ζ. ἐν θεῷ, live in God (as the Being who penetrates and embraces everything) Ac 17:28 (s. κινέω 3). For AcPl Ha 1, 15 s. 2a end.

② to live in a transcendent sense, live, of the sanctified life of a child of God (ζῆν in the sense of a higher type of life than the animal: X., Mem. 3, 3, 11; Cass. Dio 69, 19: after years of public service, Similis retires and prepares this epitaph: Σίμιλις ἐνταύθα κεῖται βιοὺς μὲν ἔτη τόσα, ζήσας δὲ ἔτη ἑπτά=Here lies Similis, existing for so many years, but alive for only seven.).

ⓐ in the world ἐγὼ ἔζων χωρὶς νόμου ποτέ I was once (truly) alive without law (this has been interpr. to mean when no law existed; Paul is then regarded as speaking fr. the viewpoint of humanity in paradise before the command Gen 2:16 f; 3:3. Another interpr. thinks of Paul as referring to the period in his life when he was not conscious of the existence and significance of the law. In view of Paul’s climactic affirmation in Ro 7:25, Paul probably illustrates in the first person the perils of a Christian who succumbs to the illusion that moral action is connected with law rather than with the ‘spirit of life in Christ’ Ro 8:2) Ro 7:9. Even now those who listen to the voice of the Son of God enjoy this life J 5:25; cp. 11:26; likew. those who receive him into their being ὁ τρώγων τὸν ἄρτον 6:57c; cp. Ro 6:11, 13 (ἐκ νεκρῶν ζῶντας); Gal 2:19; Rv 3:1. This heavenly life on earth is a ζ. πνεύματι Gal 5:25 or a life not of mere human achievement, but of Christ who lives in Christians 2:20ab. Also of the superhuman power of the apostle ζήσομεν σὺν αὐτῷ ἐκ δυνάμεως θεοῦ εἰς ὑμᾶς we shall live with him (Christ) through God’s power in our dealings with you 2 Cor 13:4. ὁ κύριος βούλεται ζῆν ἡμᾶς ἐν θεῷ=the Lord wills that we live under God’s direction AcPl Ha 1, 15 (opp. ἀποθανεῖν ἐν ἁμαρτίαις; s. 1c end)

ⓑ in the glory of the life to come (Sir 48:11; cp. Dt 4:1; 8:1; 30:16).

α. abs. Lk 10:28; J 11:25; 14:19; Ro 8:13b; Hb 12:9. ἐμοὶ τ. ζῆν Χριστός= life is possible for me only where Christ is (hence death is gain) Phil 1:21 (s. OSchmitz, GHeinrici Festschr. 1914, 155–69). Another common interpr. is for me to live is Christ, i.e. while I am alive I experience real life in connection with Christ; w. death comes life in all fullness in the presence of Jesus.

β. More specifically εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα have eternal life (Ps.-Lucian, Philopatr. 17 ζῆν εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα; PsSol 14:2) J 6:51, 58 (in J the blessed life which the follower of Jesus enjoys here and now in the body is simply continued in the heavenly life of the future. In other respects also the dividing line betw. the present and the future life is somet. nonexistent or at least not discernible); B 6:3; 8:5; 9:2; 11:10f; ἅμα σὺν αὐτῷ (i.e. Χριστῷ) ζ. live together with Christ 1 Th 5:10; ζ. διʼ αὐτοῦ (i.e. Chr.) 1J 4:9; ζ. κατὰ θεὸν πνεύματι live, as God (lives), in the Spirit 1 Pt 4:6. ὁ δίκαιος ἐκ πίστεως ζήσεται (cp. Hab 2:4) he that is just through faith will have life Ro 1:17 (AFeuillet, NTS 6, ’59, 52–80; but s. Fitzmyer, Ro [AB] ad loc.); Gal 3:11; Hb 10:38. This life is τὸ ἀληθινὸν ζῆν ITr 9:2; IEph 11:1. Christ is called τὸ ἀδιάκριτον ἡμῶν ζῆν our unshakable or inseparable life 3:2. τὸ διὰ παντὸς ἡμῶν ζῆν our total life 1 Mg 1:2—The law-directed pers. believes concerning legal performance: ὁ ποιήσας αὐτὰ ζήσεται ἐν αὐτοῖς (Lev 18:5) Gal 3:12; cp. Ro 10:5 (cp. Dio Chrys. 58 [75], 1 οἱ τοῦτον [= τ. νόμον] φυλάττοντες ἔχονται τῆς σωτηρίας=those who observe law have a firm grip on security).

③ to conduct oneself in a pattern of behavior, live (Hom. et al.)

ⓐ used w. adverbs or other modifiers: adv. (Sallust. 19 p. 34, 25 κακῶς ζῆν [Just., A I, 4, 7]; SIG 889, 13ff; Wsd 14:28; Philo; Jos., Ant. 12, 198; Ath. 3, 1 δίκην θηρίων) ἀσώτως Lk 15:13. ἐθνικῶς and ἰουδαϊκῶς Gal 2:14. εὐσεβῶς 2 Ti 3:12. πανούργως Hm 3, 3. σωφρόνως κ. δικαίως κ. εὐσεβῶς Tit 2:12 (Plut., Mor. 1108c ζῆν σωφρόνως κ. δικαίως; cp. Diog. L. 10, 132; 140; Ar. 15, 10).—Φαρισαῖος live as a Pharisee Ac 26:5. ἐν πίστει Gal 2:20d. ἐν ἁμαρτίᾳ Ro 6:2; ζ. ἐν τούτοις live in these (sins) Col 3:7. κατὰ ἀλήθειαν in keeping w. the truth IEph 6:2 (cp. Philo, Post. Cai. 73 κατὰ βούλημα τὸ τοῦ θεοῦ ζ.; Jos., Ant. 4, 302 κατὰ τ. νόμους ζ.; Just., D. 47, 4 κατὰ τὸν νόμον; Orig., C. Cels. 7, 12, 7 κατὰ τὰς θείας γραφάς). κατὰ θεόν 8:1 (cp. SIG 910 A and B). κατὰ Ἰησοῦν Χριστόν IPhld 3:2. κατὰ Χριστιανισμόν live in accordance w. (our) commitment to Christ IMg 10:1. κατὰ σάρκα Ro 8:12f; Dg 5:8; κατὰ κυριακὴν ζ. (opp. σαββατίζειν) include the observance of the Lord’s day in one’s life IMg 9:1. Of a married woman ζ. μετὰ ἀνδρός live w. her husband Lk 2:36 (for the added acc. of extent of time cp. Ael. Aristid. 46 p. 332 D.; Pr 28:16; ἥτις ἔζησεν καλῶς μετʼ ἐμοῦ ἔτη 28, μῆνας 4, ἡμέρας 5: SEG II, 384, 6–8 [restored]; s. also FDanker, Jesus and the New Age ’88, 71).

ⓑ τινί live for someone or someth., for the other’s benefit (Hom. et al.; Demosth. 7, 17 οἳ οὐκ αἰσχύνονται Φιλίππῳ ζῶντες καὶ οὐ τῇ ἑαυτῶν πατρίδι; Dionys. Hal. 3, 17 … παῖδες, τῷ πατρὶ ζῶντες) ζ. τῷ θεῷ (4 Macc 7:19; 16:25; Philo, Mut. Nom. 13, Rer. Div. Her. 111; s. SAalen, NTS 13, ’67, 10) Lk 20:38b (cp. Soph., Ajax 970); Ro 6:10, 11; Gal 2:19; Hm 3:5; AcPl Ha 10, 7; τῷ κυρίῳ Ro 14:8b (cp. Plut., Cleom. 819 [31, 5]). For Christ 2 Cor 5:15; τῷ ἐμῷ βασιλεῖ AcPl Ha 9, 26 (restored after Aa I 112, 14) τῇ δικαιοσύνῃ ζ. 1 Pt 2:24; ἑαυτῷ ζ. live for oneself (Menand., Fgm. 646 Kö. οὐχ ἑαυτῷ ζῆν μόνον; Diod S 10, 33, 2 ζ. ἑαυτοῖς=live for themselves) Ro 14:7.

④ to be full of vitality, be lively the ptc. is used fig. w. respect to things (cp. τῶν δένδρων τῶν ζῶντων ParJer 9:3), of spring water in contrast w. cistern water ὕδωρ ζῶν (Gen 26:19; Lev 14:5; Jer 2:13 v.l.; Zech 14:8.—Stagnant water is called ὕ. νεκρόν: Synes., Ep. 114, 254d) J 4:10f (Hdb. exc. on J 4:14); 7:38; D 7:1f (Wengst p. 77 n. 57). ζώσας πηγάς Rv 7:17 v.l.

⑤ to be life-productive, offer life ptc. used w. respect to things (SIG 1173 [138 A.D.], 5 ζῶσαι ἀρεταὶ ἐγένοντο=miracles full of divine life occurred) λόγια ζῶντα words that meant life Ac 7:38. λόγος ζῶν θεοῦ 1 Pt 1:23; cp. Hb 4:12. ὁδὸς ζῶσα a living way 10:20. ἐλπὶς ζῶσα a living hope 1 Pt 1:3.—ζ. is also used of things which serve as descriptions of pers. who communicate divine life: of Christ ὁ ἄρτος ὁ ζῶν J 6:51a. λίθος ζῶν 1 Pt 2:4. Of Christians: θυσία ζῶσα a living sacrifice Ro 12:1. λίθοι ζῶντες 1 Pt 2:5.—τὰ παρὰ ζώσης φωνῆς καὶ μενούσης the (words) of a living and abiding voice Papias (2:4) (opp. ἐκ τῶν βιβλίων).—Lit. s. ζωή end. DELG s.v. ζώω.M-M. TW.

πνεῦμα, ατος, τό (πνέω; Aeschyl., Pre-Socr., Hdt.+. On the history of the word s. Rtzst., Mysterienrel.³ 308ff).

① air in movement, blowing, breathing (even the glowing exhalations of a volcanic crater: Diod S 5, 7, 3)

ⓐ wind (Aeschyl. et al.; LXX, EpArist, Philo; Jos., Ant. 2, 343; 349; SibOr 8, 297) in wordplay τὸ πνεῦμα πνεῖ the wind blows J 3:8a (EpJer 60 πνεῦμα ἐν πάσῃ χώρᾳ πνεῖ. But s. TDonn, ET 66, ’54f, 32; JThomas, Restoration Qtrly 24, ’81, 219–24). ὀθόνη πλοίου ὑπὸ πνεύματος πληρουμένη MPol 15:2. Of God ὁ ποιῶν τοὺς ἀγγέλους αὐτοῦ πνεύματα who makes his angels winds Hb 1:7; 1 Cl 36:3 (both Ps 103:4).

ⓑ the breathing out of air, blowing, breath (Aeschyl. et al.; Pla., Tim. 79b; LXX) ὁ ἄνομος, ὅν ὁ κύριος Ἰησοῦς ἀνελεῖ τῷ πνεύματι τοῦ στόματος αὐτοῦ 2 Th 2:8 (cp. Is 11:4; Ps 32:6).

② that which animates or gives life to the body, breath, (life-)spirit (Aeschyl. et al.; Phoenix of Colophon 1, 16 [Coll. Alex. p. 231] πν.=a breathing entity [in contrast to becoming earth in death]; Polyb. 31, 10, 4; Ps.-Aristot., De Mundo 4 p. 394b, 8ff; PHib 5, 54 [III B.C.]; PGM 4, 538; 658; 2499; LXX; TestAbr A 17 p. 98, 19 [Stone p. 44] al.; JosAs 19:3; SibOr 4, 46; Tat. 4:2) ἀφιέναι τὸ πνεῦμα give up one’s spirit, breathe one’s last (Eur., Hec. 571; Porphyr., Vi. Plotini 2) Mt 27:50. J says for this παραδιδόναι τὸ πν. 19:3 (cp. ApcMos 31 ἀποδῶ τὸ πν.; Just., D. 105, 5). Of the return of the (life-)spirit of a deceased person into her dead body ἐπέστρεψεν τὸ πν. αὐτῆς Lk 8:55 (cp. Jdg 15:19). εἰς χεῖράς σου παρατίθεμαι τὸ πν. μου into your hands I entrust my spirit 23:46 (Ps 30:6; for alleged focus on ἐλπίζειν s. EBons, BZ 38, ’94, 93–101). κύριε Ἰησοῦ, δέξαι τὸ πνεῦμά μου Ac 7:59; composite of both passages AcPl Ha 10, 23 (cp. ApcMos 42). τὸ πν. μου ὁ δεσπότης δέξεται GJs 23:3 (on the pneuma flying upward after death cp. Epicharm. in Vorsokrat. 23 [=13, 4th ed.], B 9 and 22; Eur., Suppl. 533 πνεῦμα μὲν πρὸς αἰθέρα, τὸ σῶμα δʼ ἐς γῆν; PGM 1, 177ff τελευτήσαντός σου τὸ σῶμα περιστελεῖ, σοῦ δὲ τὸ πνεῦμα … εἰς ἀέρα ἄξει σὺν αὑτῷ ‘when you are dead [the angel] will wrap your body … and take your spirit with him into the sky’). τὸ σῶμα χωρὶς πν. νεκρόν ἐστιν Js 2:26. πν. ζωῆς ἐκ τ. θεοῦ εἰσῆλθεν ἐν αὐτοῖς (i.e. the prophet-witnesses who have been martyred) Rv 11:11 (cp. Ezk 37:10 v.l. εἰσῆλθεν εἰς αὐτοὺς πνεῦμα ζωῆς; vs. 5). Of the spirit that animated the image of a beast, and enabled it to speak and to have Christians put to death 13:15.—After a person’s death, the πν. lives on as an independent being, in heaven πνεύματα δικαὶων τετελειωμένων Hb 12:23 (cp. Da 3:86 εὐλογεῖτε, πνεύματα καὶ ψυχαὶ δικαίων, τὸν κύριον). According to non-biblical sources, the πν. are in the netherworld (cp. En 22:3–13; Sib Or 7, 127) or in the air (PGM 1, 178), where evil spirits can prevent them from ascending higher (s. ἀήρ2b). τοῖς ἐν φυλακῇ πνεύμασιν πορευθεὶς ἐκήρυξεν 1 Pt 3:19 belongs here if it refers to Jesus’ preaching to the spirits of the dead confined in Hades (so Usteri et al.; s. also JMcCulloch, The Harrowing of Hell, 1930), whether it be when he descended into Hades, or when he returned to heaven (so RBultmann, Bekenntnis u. Liedfragmente im 1 Pt: ConNeot11, ’47, 1–14).—CClemen, Niedergefahren zu den Toten 1900; JTurmel, La Descente du Christ aux enfers 1905; JMonnier, La Descente aux enfers 1906; HHoltzmann, ARW 11, 1908, 285–97; KGschwind, Die Niederfahrt Christi in die Unterwelt 1911; DPlooij, De Descensus in 1 Pt 3:19 en 4:6: TT 47, 1913, 145–62; JBernard, The Descent into Hades a Christian Baptism (on 1 Pt 3:19ff): Exp. 8th ser., 11, 1916, 241–74; CSchmidt, Gespräche Jesu mit seinen Jüngern: TU 43, 1919, 452ff; JFrings, BZ 17, 1926, 75–88; JKroll, Gott u. Hölle ’32; RGanschinietz, Katabasis: Pauly-W. X/2, 1919, 2359–449; Clemen² 89–96; WBieder, Die Vorstellung v. d. Höllenfahrt Jesu Chr. ’49; SJohnson, JBL 79, ’60, 48–51; WDalton, Christ’s Proclamation to the Spirits ’65. S. also the lit. in Windisch, Hdb.² 1930, exc. on 1 Pt 3:20; ESelwyn, The First Ep. of St. Peter ’46 and 4c below.—This is prob. also the place for θανατωθεὶς μὲν σαρκὶ ζωοποιηθεὶς δὲ πνεύματι• ἐν ᾧ καὶ … 1 Pt 3:18f (some mss. read πνεύματι instead of πνεύμασιν in vs. 19, evidently in ref. to the manner of Jesus’ movement; πνεῦμα is that part of Christ which, in contrast to σάρξ, did not pass away in death, but survived as an individual entity after death; s. ἐν 7). Likew. the contrast κατὰ σάρκα … κατὰ πνεῦμα Ro 1:3f. Cp. 1 Ti 3:16.

③ a part of human personality, spirit

ⓐ when used with σάρξ, the flesh, it denotes the immaterial part 2 Cor 7:1; Col 2:5. Flesh and spirit=the whole personality, in its outer and inner aspects, oft. in Ign.: IMg 1:2; 13:1a; ITr ins; 12:1; IRo ins; ISm 1:1; IPol 5:1; AcPl Ant 13, 18 (=Aa I 237, 3).—In the same sense beside σῶμα, the body (Simplicius, In Epict. p. 50, 1; Ps.-Phoc. 106f; PGM 1, 178) 1 Cor 5:3–5; 7:34.—The inner life of humans is divided into ψυχὴ καὶ πνεῦμα (cp. Ps.-Pla., Axioch. 10 p. 370c τὶ θεῖον ὄντως ἐνῆν πνεῦμα τῇ ψυχῇ=a divine spirit was actually in the soul; Wsd 15:11; Jos., Ant. 1, 34; Tat. 13, 2; 15, 1 et al.; Ath. 27, 1. S. also Herm. Wr. 10, 13; 16f; PGM 4, 627; 630. ἐκ τριῶν συνεστάναι λέγουσι τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐκ ψυχῆς καὶ σώματος καὶ πνεύματος Did., Gen. 55, 14) Hb 4:12. Cp. Phil 1:27. τὸ πνεῦμα καὶ ἡ ψυχὴ καὶ τὸ σῶμα 1 Th 5:23 (s. GMilligan, Thess. 1908, 78f; EvDobschütz in Meyer X⁷ 1909, 230ff; EBurton, Spirit, Soul, and Flesh 1918; AFestugière, La Trichotomie des 1 Th 5:23 et la Philos. gr.: RSR 20, 1930, 385–415; CMasson, RTP 33, ’45, 97–102; FGrant, An Introd. to NT Thought ’50, 161–66). σαρκί, ψυχῇ, πνεύματι IPhld 11:2.

ⓑ as the source and seat of insight, feeling, and will, gener. as the representative part of human inner life (cp. PGM 4, 627; 3 Km 20:5; Sir 9:9 al.; Just., D. 30, 1; Did., Gen. 232, 5) ἐπιγνοὺς ὁ Ἰησοῦς τῷ πν. αὐτοῦ Mk 2:8. ἀναστενάξας τῷ πν. αὐτοῦ λέγει 8:12 (s. ἀναστενάζω). ἠγαλλίασεν τὸ πν. μου Lk 1:47 (in parallelism w. ψυχή vs. 46, as Sir 9:9). ἠγαλλιάσατο τῷ πν. 10:21 v.l., Ἰησοῦς ἐνεβριμήσατο τῷ πν. J 11:33 (s. ἐμβριμάομαι 3); Ἰης. ἐταράχθη τῷ πν. 13:21. παρωξύνετο τὸ πν. αὐτοῦ ἐν αὐτῷ Ac 17:16; ζέων τῷ πν. with spirit-fervor 18:25 (s. ζέω). τὸ παιδίον ἐκραταιοῦτο πνεύματι Lk 1:80; 2:40 v.l.; ἔθετο ὁ Παῦλος ἐν τῷ πν. Paul made up his mind Ac 19:21 (some would put this pass. in 6c, but cp. Lk 1:66 and analogous formulations Hom. et al. in L-S-J-M s.v. τίθημι A6). προσκυνήσουσιν τῷ πατρὶ ἐν πνεύματι of the spiritual, i.e. the pure, inner worship of God, that has nothing to do w. holy times, places, appurtenances, or ceremonies J 4:23; cp. vs. 24b. πν. συντετριμμένον (Ps 50:19) 1 Cl 18:17; 52:4.—2 Cl 20:4; Hv 3, 12, 2; 3, 13, 2.—This usage is also found in Paul. His conviction (s. 5 below) that the Christian possesses the (divine) πνεῦμα and thus is different fr. all other people, leads him to choose this word in preference to others, in order to characterize a believer’s inner being gener. ᾧ λατρεύω ἐν τῷ πν. μου Ro 1:9. οὐκ ἔσχηκα ἄνεσιν τῷ πν. μου 2 Cor 2:13. Cp. 7:13. As a matter of fact, it can mean simply a person’s very self or ego: τὸ πνεῦμα συμμαρτυρεῖ τῷ πνεύματι ἡμῶν the Spirit (of God) bears witness to our very self Ro 8:16 (cp. PGM 12, 327 ἠκούσθη μου τὸ πνεῦμα ὑπὸ πνεύματος οὐρανοῦ). ἀνέπαυσαν τὸ ἐμὸν πν. καὶ τὸ ὑμῶν they have refreshed both me and you 1 Cor 16:18. ἡ χάρις τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰ. Χρ. μετά τοῦ πν. (ὑμῶν) Gal 6:18; Phil 4:23; Phlm 25. Cp. 2 Ti 4:22. Likew. in Ign. τὸ ἐμὸν πν. my (unworthy) self IEph 18:1; IRo 9:3; cp. 1 Cor 2:11a—On the relation of the divine Spirit to the believer’s spiritual self, s. SWollenweider, Der Geist Gottes als Selbst der Glaubenden: ZTK 93, ’96, 163–92.—Only a part of the inner life, i.e. that which concerns the will, is meant in τὸ μὲν πνεῦμα πρόθυμον, ἡ δὲ σὰρξ ἀσθενής Mt 26:41; Mk 14:38; Pol 7:2. That which is inferior, anxiety, fear of suffering, etc. is attributed to the σάρξ.—The mng. of the expr. οἱ πτωχοὶ τῷ πνεύματι Mt 5:3 is difficult to determine w. certainty (cp. Pla., Ep. 7, 335a πένης ἀνὴρ τὴν ψυχήν. The dat. as τῇ ψυχῇ M. Ant. 6, 52; 8, 51). The sense is prob. those who are poor in their inner life, because they do not have a misdirected pride in their own spiritual riches (s. AKlöpper, Über den Sinn u. die ursprgl. Form der ersten Seligpreisung der Bergpredigt bei Mt: ZWT 37, 1894, 175–91; RKabisch, Die erste Seligpreisung: StKr 69, 1896, 195–215; KKöhler, Die ursprgl. Form der Seligpreisungen: StKr 91, 1918, 157–92; JBoehmer, De Schatkamer 17, 1923, 11–16, TT [Copenhagen] 4, 1924, 195–207, JBL 45, 1926, 298–304; WMacgregor, ET 39, 1928, 293–97; VMacchioro, JR 12, ’32, 40–49; EEvans, Theology 47, ’44, 55–60; HLeisegang, Pneuma Hagion 1922, 134ff; Betz, SM 116 n. 178 for Qumran reff.).

ⓒ spiritual state, state of mind, disposition ἐν ἀγάπῃ πνεύματί τε πραΰτητος with love and a gentle spirit 1 Cor 4:21; cp. Gal 6:1. τὸ πν. τοῦ νοὸς ὑμῶν Eph 4:23 (s. νοῦς 2a). ἐν τῷ ἀφθάρτῳ τοῦ ἡσυχίου πνεύματος with the imperishable (gift) of a quiet disposition 1 Pt 3:4.

④ an independent noncorporeal being, in contrast to a being that can be perceived by the physical senses, spirit (ELangton, Good and Evil Spirits ’42).

ⓐ God personally: πνεῦμα ὁ θεός J 4:24a (Ath. 16, 2; on God as a spirit, esp. in the Stoa, s. MPohlenz, D. Stoa ’48/49. Hdb. ad loc. Also Celsus 6, 71 [Stoic]; Herm. Wr. 18, 3 ἀκάματον μέν ἐστι πνεῦμα ὁ θεός).

ⓑ good, or at least not expressly evil spirits or spirit-beings (cp. CIG III, 5858b δαίμονες καὶ πνεύματα; Proclus on Pla., Cratyl. p. 69, 6; 12 Pasqu.; En 15:4; 6; 8; 10; TestAbr A 4 p. 81, 15f [Stone p. 10, 15f] πάντα τὰ ἐπουράνια πνεύματα; TestAbr B 13 p. 117, 26 [Stone p. 82] ὑψηλὸν πν.; PGM 3, 8 ἐπικαλοῦμαί σε, ἱερὸν πνεῦμα; 4, 1448; 3080; 12, 249) πνεῦμα w. ἄγγελος (cp. Jos., Ant. 4, 108; Ps.-Clem., Hom. 3, 33; 8, 12) Ac 23:8f. God is ὁ παντὸς πνεύματος κτίστης καὶ ἐπίσκοπος 1 Cl 59:3b.—Pl., God the μόνος εὐεργέτης πνεύματων 1 Cl 59:3a. Cp. 64 (s. on this Num 16:22; 27:16. Prayers for vengeance fr. Rheneia [Dssm., LO 351–55=LAE 423ff=SIG 1181, 2] τὸν θεὸν τὸν κύριον τῶν πνευμάτων; PGM 5, 467 θεὸς θεῶν, ὁ κύριος τῶν πν.; sim. the magic pap PWarr 21, 24; 26 [III A.D.]); the πατὴρ τῶν πνευμάτων Hb 12:9. Intermediary beings (in polytheistic terminology: δαίμονες) that serve God are called λειτουργικὰ πνεύματα Hb 1:14. In Rv we read of the ἑπτὰ πνεύματα (τοῦ θεοῦ) 1:4; 3:1; 4:5; 5:6; s. ASkrinjar, Biblica 16, ’35, 1–24; 113–40.— Ghost Lk 24:37, 39.

ⓒ evil spirits (PGM 13, 798; 36, 160; TestJob 27, 2; ApcSed [both Satan]; AscIs 3:28; Just., D. 39, 6 al.; Ath. 25, 3), esp. in accounts of healing in the Synoptics: (τὸ) πνεῦμα (τὸ) ἀκάθαρτον (Just., D. 82, 3) Mt 12:43; Mk 1:23, 26; 3:30; 5:2, 8; 7:25; 9:25a; Lk 8:29; 9:42; 11:24; Rv 18:2. Pl. (TestBenj 5:2) Mt 10:1; Mk 1:27; 3:11; 5:13; 6:7; Lk 4:36; 6:18; Ac 5:16; 8:7; Rv 16:13; ending of Mk in the Freer ms.—τὸ πν. τὸ πονηρόν Ac 19:15f. Pl. (En 99:7; TestSim 4:9; 6:6, TestJud 16:1; Just., D. 76, 6) Lk 7:21; 8:2; Ac 19:12f.—πν. ἄλαλον Mk 9:17; cp. vs. 25b (s. ἄλαλος). πν. πύθων Ac 16:16 (s. πύθων). πν. ἀσθενείας Lk 13:11. Cp. 1 Ti 4:1b. πνεῦμα δαιμονίου ἀκαθάρτου (s. δαιμόνιον 2) Lk 4:33. πνεύματα δαιμονίων Rv 16:14 (in effect = personified ‘exhalations’ of evil powers; for the combination of πν. and δαιμ. cp. the love spell Sb 4324, 16f τὰ πνεύματα τῶν δαιμόνων τούτων).—Abs. of a harmful spirit Mk 9:20; Lk 9:39; Ac 16:18. Pl. Mt 8:16; 12:45; Lk 10:20; 11:26.—1 Pt 3:19 (s. 2 above) belongs here if the πνεύματα refer to hostile spirit-powers, evil spirits, fallen angels (so FSpitta, Christi Predigt an die Geister 1890; HGunkel, Zum religionsgesch. Verständnis des NT 1903, 72f; WBousset, ZNW 19, 1920, 50–66; Rtzst., Herr der Grösse 1919, 25ff; Knopf, Windisch, FHauck ad loc.; BReicke, The Disobedient Spirits and Christian Baptism ’46, esp. 54–56, 69).—Hermas also has the concept of evil spirits that lead an independent existence, and live and reign within the inner life of a pers.; the Holy Spirit, who also lives or would like to live there, is forced out by them (cp. TestDan 4) Hm 5, 1, 2–4; 5, 2, 5–8; 10, 1, 2. τὸ πν. τὸ ἅγιον … ἕτερον πονηρὸν πν. 5, 1, 2. These πνεύματα are ὀξυχολία 5, 1, 3; 5, 2, 8 (τὸ πονηρότατον πν.); 10, 1, 2; διψυχία 9:11 (ἐπίγειον πν. ἐστι παρὰ τοῦ διαβόλου); 10, 1, 2; λύπη 10, 1, 2 (πάντων τῶν πνευμάτων πονηροτέρα) and other vices. On the complicated pneuma-concept of the Mandates of Hermas s. MDibelius, Hdb. exc. on Hm 5, 2, 7; cp. Leutzsch, Hermas 453f n. 133.

⑤ God’s being as controlling influence, with focus on association with humans, Spirit, spirit as that which differentiates God fr. everything that is not God, as the divine power that produces all divine existence, as the divine element in which all divine life is carried on, as the bearer of every application of the divine will. All those who belong to God possess or receive this spirit and hence have a share in God’s life. This spirit also serves to distinguish Christians fr. all unbelievers (cp. PGM 4, 1121ff, where the spirit is greeted as one who enters devotees and, in accordance w. God’s will, separates them fr. themselves, i.e. fr. the purely human part of their nature); for this latter aspect s. esp. 6 below.

ⓐ the Spirit of God, of the Lord (=God) etc. (LXX; TestSim 4:4; JosAs 8:11; ApcSed 14:6; 15:6; ApcMos 43; SibOr 3, 701; Ps.-Phoc. 106; Philo; Joseph. [s. c below]; apolog. Cp. Plut., Numa 4, 6 πνεῦμα θεοῦ, capable of begetting children; s. παρθένος a) τὸ πν. τοῦ θεοῦ 1 Cor 2:11b, 14; 3:16; 6:11; 1J 4:2a (Just., D. 49, 3; Tat. 13, 3; Ath. 22, 3). τὸ τοῦ θεοῦ πν. 1 Pt 4:14 (Just., A I, 60, 6). τὸ πν. τὸ ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ 1 Cor 2:12b. τὸ πν. κυρίου Ac 5:9; B 6:14; B 9:2 (cp. Mel., P. 32, 222). τὸ πνεῦμά μου or αὐτοῦ: Mt 12:18 (Is 42:1); Ac 2:17f (Jo 3:1f.—Cp. 1QS 4:21); 1 Cor 2:10a v.l.; Eph 3:16; 1 Th 4:8 (where τὸ ἅγιον is added); 1J 4:13.—τὸ πν. τοῦ πατρὸς ὑμῶν Mt 10:20. τὸ πν. τοῦ ἐγείραντος τὸν Ἰησοῦν Ro 8:11a.—Without the art. πν. θεοῦ (JosAs 4:9; Tat. 15:3; Theoph. Ant. 1, 5 [p. 66, 18]) the Spirit of God Mt 3:16; 12:28; Ro 8:9b, 14, 19; 1 Cor 7:40; 12:3a; 2 Cor 3:3 (πν. θεοῦ ζῶντος); Phil 3:3. πν. κυρίου Lk 4:18 (Is 61:1); Ac 8:39 (like J 3:8; 20:22; Ac 2:4, this pass. belongs on the borderline betw. the mngs. ‘wind’ and ‘spirit’; cp. Diod S 3, 60, 3 Ἕσπερον ἐξαίφνης ὑπὸ πνευμάτων συναρπαγέντα μεγάλων ἄφαντον γενέσθαι ‘Hesperus [a son of Atlas] was suddenly snatched by strong winds and vanished fr. sight’. S. HLeisegang, Der Hl. Geist I 1, 1919, 19ff; OCullmann, TZ. 4, ’48, 364); 1 Cl 21:2.

ⓑ the Spirit of Christ, of the Lord (=Christ) etc. τὸ πν. Ἰησοῦ Ac 16:7. τὸ πν. Χριστοῦ AcPlCor 2:32. τὸ ἐν αὐτοῖς πν. Χριστοῦ 1 Pt 1:11. πν. Χριστοῦ Ro 8:9c. πν. τοῦ Χριστοῦ AcPl Ha 8, 18. ἀπὸ τοῦ πν. τοῦ χριστοῦ AcPlCor 2:10. τὸ πν. Ἰης. Χριστοῦ Phil 1:19. τὸ πν. κυρίου 2 Cor 3:17b (JHermann, Kyrios und Pneuma, ’61). τὸ πν. τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ (=θεοῦ) Gal 4:6. As possessor of the divine Spirit, and at the same time controlling its distribution among humans, Christ is called κύριος πνεύματος Lord of the Spirit 2 Cor 3:18 (s. Windisch ad loc.); but many prefer to transl. from the Lord who is the Spirit.—CMoule, OCullmann Festschr., ’72, 231–37.

ⓒ Because of its heavenly origin and nature this Spirit is called (the) Holy Spirit (cp. PGM 4, 510 ἵνα πνεύσῃ ἐν ἐμοὶ τὸ ἱερὸν πνεῦμα.—Neither Philo nor Josephus called the Spirit πν. ἅγιον; the former used θεῖον or θεοῦ πν., the latter πν. θεῖον: Ant. 4, 118; 8, 408; 10, 239; but ἅγιον πνεῦμα Orig. C. Cels 1, 40, 16).

α. w. the art. τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον (Is 63:10f; Ps 50:13; 142:10 v.l.; cp. Sus 45 Theod.; TestAbr A 4 p. 81, 10 [Stone p. 10]; JosAs 8:11 [codd. ADE]; AscIs 3, 15, 26; Just., D. 36, 6 al.) Mt 12:32 = Mk 3:29 = Lk 12:10 (τὸ ἅγιον πνεῦμα; on the ‘sin against the Holy Spirit’ s. HLeisegang, Pneuma Hagion 1922, 96–112; AFridrichsen, Le péché contre le Saint-Esprit: RHPR 3, 1923, 367–72). Mk 12:36; 13:11; Lk 2:26; 3:22; 10:21; J 14:26; Ac 1:16; 2:33; 5:3, 32; 7:51; 8:18 v.l.; 10:44, 47; 11:15; 13:2; 15:8, 28; 19:6; 20:23, 28; 21:11; 28:25; Eph 1:13 (τὸ πν. τῆς ἐπαγγελίας τὸ ἅγιον); 4:30 (τὸ πν. τὸ ἅγιον τοῦ θεοῦ); Hb 3:7; 9:8; 10:15; 1 Cl 13:1; 16:2; 18:11 (Ps 50:13); 22:1; IEph 9:1; Hs 5, 5, 2; 5, 6, 5–7 (on the relationship of the Holy Spirit to the Son in Hermas s. ALink, Christi Person u. Werk im Hirten des Hermas 1886; JvWalter, ZNW 14, 1913, 133–44; MDibelius, Hdb. exc. following Hs 5, 6, 8 p. 572–76).—τὸ ἅγιον πνεῦμα (Wsd 9:17; OdeSol 11:2; TestJob 51:2; ApcEsdr 7:16; Just. D. 25, 1 al.) Mt 28:19; Lk 12:10 (s. above), 12; Ac 1:8; 2:38 (epexegetic gen.); 4:31; 9:31; 10:45; 13:4; 16:6; 1 Cor 6:19; 2 Cor 13:13; 1J 5:7 v.l. (on the Comma Johanneum s. λόγο 3); GJs 24:4 (s. χρηματίζω 1bα). As the mother of Jesus GHb 20, 61 (HLeisegang, Pneuma Hagion 1922, 64ff; SHirsch, D. Vorstellg. v. e. weibl. πνεῦμα ἅγ. im NT u. in d. ältesten christl. Lit. 1927. Also WBousset, Hauptprobleme der Gnosis 1907, 9ff).

β. without the art. (s. B-D-F §257, 2; Rob. 761; 795) πνεῦμα ἅγιον (PGM 3, 289; Da 5:12 LXX; PsSol 17:37; AssMos Fgm. b; Just., D. 4, 1 al.; Ath. 24, 1. S. also Da Theod. 4:8, 9, 18 θεοῦ πνεῦμα ἅγιον or πνεῦμα θεοῦ ἅγιον) Mk 1:8; Lk 1:15, 35, 41, 67; 2:25; 4:1; 11:13; J 20:22 (Cassien, La pentecôte johannique [J 20:19–23] ’39.—See also 1QS 4:20f); Ac 2:4a; 4:8; 7:55; 8:15, 17, 19; 9:17; 10:38; 11:24; 13:9; 19:2ab; Hb 2:4; 6:4; 1 Pt 1:12 v.l.; 1 Cl 2:2; AcPl 6:18; 9:4 (restored after Aa I 110, 11); AcPlCor 2:5.—So oft. in combination w. a prep.: διὰ πνεύματος ἁγίου Ac 1:2; 4:25; Ro 5:5; 2 Ti 1:14; 1 Cl 8:1 (cp. διὰ πν. αἰωνίου Hb 9:14). διὰ φωνῆς πν. ἁγίου AcPl Ha 11, 6. ἐκ πνεύματος ἁγίου (Eus., PE 3, 12, 3 of the Egyptians: ἐκ τ. πνεύματος οἴονται συλλαμβάνειν τὸν γῦπα. Here πνεῦμα= ‘wind’; s. Horapollo 1, 11 p. 14f. The same of other birds since Aristot.—On the neut. πνεῦμα as a masc. principle cp. Aristoxenus, Fgm. 13 of the two original principles: πατέρα μὲν φῶς, μητέρα δὲ σκότος) Mt 1:18, 20; IEph 18:2; GJs 14:2; 19:1 (pap). ἐν πνεύματι ἁγίῳ (PsSol 17:37; ApcZeph; Ar. 15, 1) Mt 3:11; Mk 1:8 v.l.; Lk 3:16; J 1:33b; Ac 1:5 (cp. 1QS 3:7f); 11:16; Ro 9:1; 14:17; 15:16; 1 Cor 12:3b; 2 Cor 6:6; 1 Th 1:5; 1 Pt 1:12 (without ἐν v.l.); Jd 20. ὑπὸ πνεύματος ἁγίου 2 Pt 1:21. Cp. ἐν δυνάμει πνεύματος ἁγίου Ro 15:13, 19 v.l. (for πνεύματος θεοῦ). μετὰ χαρᾶς πνεύματος ἁγίου 1 Th 1:6. διὰ ἀνακαινώσεως πνεύματος ἁγίου Tit 3:5.

ⓓ abs.

α. w. the art. τὸ πνεῦμα. In this connection the art. is perh. used anaphorically at times, w. the second mention of a word (s. B-D-F §252; Rob. 762); perh. Mt 12:31 (looking back to vs. 28 πν. θεοῦ); Mk 1:10, 12 (cp. vs. 8 πν. ἅγιον); Lk 4:1b, 14 (cp. vs. 1a); Ac 2:4b (cp. vs. 4a).—As a rule it is not possible to assume that anaphora is present: Mt 4:1; J 1:32, 33a; 3:6a, 8b (in wordplay), 34; 7:39a; Ac 8:29; 10:19; 11:12, 28; 19:1 D; 20:3 D, 22; 21:4; Ro 8:23 (ἀπαρχή 1bβ; 2), 26a, 27; 12:11; 15:30; 2 Cor 1:22 and 5:5 (KErlemann, ZNW 83, ’92, 202–23, and s. ἀρραβών); 12:18 (τῷ αὐτῷ πν.); Gal 3:2, 5, 14 (ἐπαγγελία 1bβ); Eph 4:3 (gen. of the author); 6:17 (perh. epexegetic gen.); 1 Ti 4:1a; Js 4:5; 1J 3:24; 5:6ab (some mss. add καὶ πνεύματος to the words διʼ ὕδατος κ. αἵματος at the beg. of the verse; this is approved by HvSoden, Moffatt, Vogels, Merk, and w. reservations by CDodd, The Joh. Epistles ’46, TManson, JTS 48, ’47, 25–33), vs. 8; Rv 2:7, 11, 17, 29; 3:6, 13, 22; 14:13; 22:17; B 19:2, B 7= D 4:10 (s. ἐτοιμάζω b). ἐν τῷ πνεύματι (led) by the Spirit Lk 2:27.—Paul links this Spirit of God, known to every Christian, with Christ as liberating agent in contrast to legal constraint ὁ κύριος τὸ πνεῦμα ἐστιν the Lord means Spirit 2 Cor 3:17a (UHolzmeister, 2 Cor 3:17 Dominus autem Spiritus est 1908; JNisius, Zur Erklärung v. 2 Cor 3:16ff: ZKT 40, 1916, 617–75; JKögel, Ὁ κύριος τὸ πνεῦμά ἐστιν: ASchlatter Festschr. 1922, 35–46; C Guignebert, Congr. d’Hist. du Christ. II 1928, 7–22; EFuchs, Christus u. d. Geist b. Pls ’32; HHughes, ET 45, ’34, 235f; CLattey, Verb. Dom. 20, ’40, 187–89; DGriffiths ET 55, ’43, 81–83; HIngo, Kyrios und Pneuma, ’61 [Paul]; JDunn, JTS 21, ’70, 309–20).

β. without the art. πνεῦμα B 1:3. κοινωνία πνεύματος Phil 2:1 (κοινωνία 1 and 2). πνεύματι in the Spirit or through the Spirit Gal 3:3; 5:5, 16, 18; 1 Pt 4:6. εἰ ζῶμεν πνεύματι, πνεύματι καὶ στοιχῶμεν if we live by the Spirit, let us also walk by the Spirit Gal 5:25. Freq. used w. a prep.: διὰ πνεύματος 1 Pt 1:22 v.l. ἐξ (ὕδατος καὶ) πνεύματος J 3:5. ἐν πνεύματι in, by, through the Spirit Mt 22:43; Eph 2:22; 3:5; 5:18; 6:18; Col 1:8 (ἀγάπη ἐν πνεύματι love called forth by the Spirit); B 9:7. κατὰ πνεῦμα Ro 8:4f; Gal 4:29. ἐν ἁγιασμῷ πνεύματος 2 Th 2:13; 1 Pt 1:2 (s. ἁγιασμός).—In neg. expressions: οὔπω ἧν πνεῦμα the Spirit had not yet come J 7:39b. ψυχικοὶ πνεῦμα μὴ ἔχοντες worldly people, who do not have the Spirit Jd 19.—ἓν πνεῦμα one and the same Spirit 1 Cor 12:13; Eph 2:18; 4:4; one (in) Spirit 1 Cor 6:17.

ⓔ The Spirit is more closely defined by a gen. of thing: τὸ πν. τῆς ἀληθείας (TestJud 20:5) J 14:17; 15:26; 16:13 (in these three places the Spirit of Truth is the Paraclete promised by Jesus upon his departure); 1J 4:6 (opp. τὸ πνεῦμα τῆς πλάνης, as TestJud 20:1; PsSol 8:14 πλ. πλανήσεως; Just., D. 7, 3 πλάνου καὶ ἀκαθάρτου πνεύματος; cp. 1QS 4:23); τὸ τῆς δόξης πν. 1 Pt 4:14. τὸ πν. τῆς ζωῆς the Spirit of life Ro 8:2. το πν. τῆς πίστεως 2 Cor 4:13. πν. σοφίας καὶ ἀποκαλύψεως Eph 1:17 (cp. Just., D. 87, 4). πν. υἱοθεσίας Ro 8:15b (opp. πν. δουλείας vs. 15a). πν. δυνάμεως AcPl Ha 8, 25. πν. δυνάμεως καὶ ἀγάπης καὶ σωφρονισμοῦ 2 Ti 1:7 (opp. πν. δειλίας). τὸ πν. τῆς χάριτος (s. TestJud 24:2) Hb 10:29 (Zech 12:10); cp. 1 Cl 46:6.

ⓕ Of Christ ‘it is written’ in Scripture: (ἐγένετο) ὁ ἔσχατος Ἀδὰμ εἰς πνεῦμα ζῳοποιοῦν 1 Cor 15:45. The scripture pass. upon which the first part of this verse is based is Gen 2:7, where Wsd 15:11 also substitutes the words πνεῦμα ζωτικόν for πνοὴν ζωῆς (cp. Just., D. 6, 2). On the other hand, s. Philo, Leg. All. 1, 42 and s. the lit. s.v. Ἀδάμ ad loc.

ⓖ The (divine) Pneuma stands in contrast to everything that characterizes this age or the finite world gener.: οὐ τὸ πν. τοῦ κόσμου ἀλλὰ τὸ πν. τὸ ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ 1 Cor 2:12; cp. Eph 2:2 and 1 Ti 4:1ab.

α. in contrast to σάρξ, which is more closely connected w. sin than any other earthly material (Just., D. 135, 6): J 3:6; Ro 8:4–6, 9a, 13; Gal 3:3; 5:17ab; 6:8. Cp. B 10:9. πᾶσα ἐπιθυμία κατὰ τοῦ πνεύματος στρατεύεται Pol 5:3.

β. in contrast to σῶμα (=σάρξ) Ro 8:10 and to σάρξ (=σῶμα, as many hold) J 6:63a (for τὸ πν. ἐστιν τὸ ζῳοποιοῦν cp. Philo, Op. Mund. 30; Herm. Wr. in Cyrill., C. Jul. I 556c=542, 24 Sc. the pneuma τὰ πάντα ζῳοποιεῖ καὶ τρέφει. S. also f above). Cp. Ro 8:11b.

γ. in contrast to γράμμα, which is the characteristic quality of God’s older declaration of the divine will in the law: Ro 2:29; 7:6; 2 Cor 3:6ab, 8 (cp. vs. 7).

δ. in contrast to the wisdom of humans 1 Cor 2:13.

⑥ the Spirit of God as exhibited in the character or activity of God’s people or selected agents, Spirit, spirit (s. HPreisker, Geist u. Leben ’33).

ⓐ πνεῦμα is accompanied by another noun, which characterizes the working of the Spirit more definitely: πνεῦμα καὶ δύναμις spirit and power Lk 1:17; 1 Cor 2:4. Cp. Ac 10:38; 1 Th 1:5. πνεῦμα καὶ ζωή J 6:63b. πνεῦμα κ. σοφία Ac 6:3; cp. vs. 10 (cp. TestReub 2:6 πνεῦμα λαλίας). πίστις κ. πνεῦμα ἅγιον 6:5 (cp. Just., D. 135, 6). χαρὰ καὶ πνεῦμα ἅγ. 13:52.

ⓑ Unless frustrated by humans in their natural condition, the Spirit of God produces a spiritual type of conduct Gal 5:16, 25 and produces the καρπὸς τοῦ πνεύματος vs. 22 (s. Vögtle under πλεονεξία).

ⓒ The Spirit inspires certain people of God B 12:2; B 13:5, above all, in their capacity as proclaimers of a divine revelation (Strabo 9, 3, 5 the πνεῦμα ἐνθουσιαστικόν, that inspired the Pythia; Περὶ ὕψους 13, 2; 33, 5 of the divine πν. that impels prophets and poets to express themselves; schol. on Pla. 856e of a μάντις: ἄνωθεν λαμβάνειν τὸ πνεῦμα καὶ πληροῦσθαι τοῦ θεοῦ; Aristobulus in Eus., PE 8, 10, 4 [=Fgm. 2, 4 p. 136 Holladay] τὸ θεῖον πν., καθʼ ὸ̔ καὶ προφήτης ἀνακεκήρυκται ‘[Moses possessed] the Divine Spirit with the result that he was proclaimed a prophet’; AscIs 1:7 τὸ πν. τὸ λαλοῦν ἐν ἐμοί; AssMos Fgm. f εἶδεν πνεύματι ἐπαρθείς; Just., A I, 38, 1 al.; Ath. 10, 3 τὸ προφητικὸν πν. Cp. Marinus, Vi. Procli 23 of Proclus: οὐ γὰρ ἄνευ θείας ἐπινοίας … διαλέγεσθαι; Orig., C. Cels. 3, 28, 23). προφητεία came into being only as ὑπὸ πνεύματος ἁγίου φερόμενοι ἐλάλησαν ἀπὸ θεοῦ ἄνθρωποι 2 Pt 1:21; cp. Ac 15:29 v.l.; cp. 1 Cl 8:1. David Mt 22:43; Mk 12:36; cp. Ac 1:16; 4:25. Isaiah Ac 28:25. Moses B 10:2, B 9; the Spirit was also active in giving the tables of the law to Moses 14:2. Christ himself spoke in the OT διὰ τοῦ πνεύματος τοῦ ἁγίου 1 Cl 22:1. The ἱεραὶ γραφαί are called αἱ διὰ τοῦ πν. τοῦ ἁγίου 45:2.—The Christian prophet Agabus also ἐσήμαινεν διὰ τοῦ πν. Ac 11:28; cp. Ac 21:11. Likew. Ign. IPhld 7:2. In general the Spirit reveals the most profound secrets to those who believe 1 Cor 2:10ab.—1 Cl claims to be written διὰ τοῦ ἁγ. πν. 63:2. On Ac 19:21 s. 3b.

ⓓ The Spirit of God, being one, shows the variety and richness of its life in the different kinds of spiritual gifts which are granted to certain Christians 1 Cor 12:4, 7, 11; cp. vs. 13ab.—Vss. 8–10 enumerate the individual gifts of the Spirit, using various prepositions: διὰ τοὺ πν. vs. 8a; κατὰ τὸ πν. vs. 8b; ἐν τῷ πν. vs. 9ab. τὸ πν. μὴ σβέννυτε do not quench the Spirit 1 Th 5:19 refers to the gift of prophecy, acc. to vs. 20.—The use of the pl. πνεύματα is explained in 1 Cor 14:12 by the varied nature of the Spirit’s working; in vs. 32 by the number of persons who possess the prophetic spirit; on the latter s. Rv 22:6 and 19:10.

ⓔ One special type of spiritual gift is represented by ecstatic speaking. Of those who ‘speak in tongues’ that no earthly person can understand: πνεύματι λαλεῖ μυστήρια expresses secret things in a spiritual way 1 Cor 14:2. Cp. vss. 14–16 and s. νοῦς 1b. τὸ πνεῦμα ὑπερεντυγχάνει στεναγμοῖς ἀλαλήτοις the Spirit pleads in our behalf with groans beyond words Ro 8:26b. Of speech that is ecstatic, but expressed in words that can be understood λαλεῖν ἐν πνεύματι D 11:7, 8; cp. vs. 9 (on the subject-matter 1 Cor 12:3; Jos., Ant. 4, 118f; TestJob 43:2 ἀναλαβὼν Ἐλιφᾶς πν. εἶπεν ὕμνον). Of the state of mind of the seer of the Apocalypse: ἐν πνεύματι Rv 17:3; 21:10; γενέσθαι ἐν πν. 1:10; 4:2 (s. γίνομαι 5c, ἐν 4c and EMoering, StKr 92, 1920, 148–54; RJeske, NTS 31, ’85, 452–66); AcPl Ha 6, 27. On the Spirit at Pentecost Ac 2:4 s. KLake: Beginn. I 5, ’33, 111–21. κατασταλέντος τοῦ πν. τοῦ ἐν Μύρτῃ when the Spirit (of prophecy) that was in Myrta ceased speaking AcPl Ha 7, 9.

ⓕ The Spirit leads and directs Christian missionaries in their journeys (Aelian, NA 11, 16 the young women are led blindfolded to the cave of the holy serpent; they are guided by a πνεῦμα θεῖον) Ac 16:6, 7 (by dreams, among other methods; cp. vs. 9f and s. Marinus, Vi. Procli 27: Proclus ἔφασκεν προθυμηθῆναι μὲν πολλάκις γράψαι, κωλυθῆναι δὲ ἐναργῶς ἔκ τινων ἐνυπνίων). In Ac 16:6–7 τὸ ἅγιον πν. and τὸ πν. Ἰησοῦ are distinguished.

⑦ an activating spirit that is not fr. God, spirit: πν. ἔτερον a different (kind of) spirit 2 Cor 11:4. Cp. 2 Th 2:2; 1J 4:1–3. Because there are persons activated by such spirits, it is necessary to test the var. kinds of spirits (the same problem Artem. 3, 20 περὶ διαφορᾶς μάντεων, οἷς δεῖ προσέχειν καὶ οἷς μή) 1 Cor 12:10; 1J 4:1b. ὁ διάβολος πληροῖ αὐτὸν αὐτοῦ πν. Hm 11:3. Also οὐκ οἴδατε ποίου πνεύματός ἐστε Lk 9:55 v.l. distinguishes betw. the spirit shown by Jesus’ disciples, and another kind of spirit.—Even more rarely a spirit divinely given that is not God’s own; so (in a quot. fr. Is 29:10) a πνεῦμα κατανύξεως Ro 11:8.

⑧ an independent transcendent personality, the Spirit, which appears in formulas that became more and more fixed and distinct (cp. Ath. 12, 2; Hippol., Ref. 7, 26, 2.—Ps.-Lucian, Philopatr. 12 θεόν, υἱόν πατρός, πνεῦμα ἐκ πατρὸς ἐκπορευόμενον ἓν ἐκ τριῶν καὶ ἐξ ἑνὸς τρία, ταῦτα νόμιζε Ζῆνα, τόνδʼ ἡγοῦ θεόν=‘God, son of the father, spirit proceeding from the father, one from three and three from one, consider these as Zeus, think of this one as God’. The entire context bears a Christian impress.—As Aion in gnostic speculation Iren. 1, 2, 5 [Harv. I 21, 2]): βαπτίζοντες αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος Mt 28:19 (on the text s. βαπτίζω 2c; on the subject-matter GWalther, Die Entstehung des Taufsymbols aus dem Taufritus: StKr 95, 1924, 256ff); D 7:1, 3. Cp. 2 Cor 13:13; 1 Cl 58:2; IEph 9:1; IMg 13:1b, 2; MPol 14:3; 22:1, 3; Epil Mosq 5. On this s. HUsener, Dreiheit: RhM 58, 1903, 1ff; 161ff; 321ff; esp. 36ff; EvDobschütz, Zwei-u. dreigliedrige Formeln: JBL 50, ’31, 116–47 (also Heinrici Festschr. 1914, 92–100); Norden, Agn. Th. 228ff; JMainz, Die Bed. der Dreizahl im Judentum 1922; Clemen² 125–28; NSöderblom, Vater, Sohn u. Geist 1909; DNielsen, Der dreieinige Gott I 1922; GKrüger, Das Dogma v. der Dreieinigkeit 1905, 46ff; AHarnack, Entstehung u. Entwicklung der Kirchenverfassung 1910, 187ff; JHaussleiter, Trinitarischer Glaube u. Christusbekenntnis in der alten Kirche: BFCT XXV 4, 1920; JLebreton, Histoire du dogme de la Trinité I: Les origines⁶ 1927; RBlümel, Pls u. d. dreieinige Gott 1929.—On the whole word FRüsche, D. Seelenpneuma ’33; HLeisegang, Der Hl. Geist I 1, 1919; EBurton, ICC Gal 1921, 486–95; PVolz, Der Geist Gottes u. d. verwandten Erscheinungen im AT 1910; JHehn, Zum Problem des Geistes im alten Orient u. im AT: ZAW n.s. 2, 1925, 210–25; SLinder, Studier till Gamla Testamentets föreställningar om anden 1926; AMarmorstein, Der Hl. Geist in der rabb. Legende: ARW 28, 1930, 286–303; NSnaith, The Distinctive Ideas of the OT ’46, 229–37; FDillistone, Bibl. Doctrine of the Holy Spirit: Theology Today 3, ’46/47, 486–97; TNicklin, Gospel Gleanings ’50, 341–46; ESchweizer, CDodd Festschr., ’56, 482–508; DLys, Rûach, Le Souffle dans l’AT, ’62; DHill, Gk. Words and Hebr. Mngs. ’67, 202–93.—HGunkel, Die Wirkungen des Hl. Geistes² 1899; HWeinel, Die Wirkungen des Geistes u. der Geister im nachap. Zeitalter 1899; EWinstanley, The Spirit in the NT 1908; HSwete, The Holy Spirit in the NT 1909, The Holy Spirit in the Ancient Church 1912; EScott, The Spirit in the NT 1923; FBüchsel, Der Geist Gottes im NT 1926; EvDobschütz, Der Geistbesitz des Christen im Urchristentum: Monatsschr. für Pastoral-theol. 20, 1924, 228ff; FBadcock, ‘The Spirit’ and Spirit in the NT: ET 45, ’34, 218–21; RBultmann, Theologie des NT ’48, 151–62 (Eng. tr. KGrobel, ’51, I 153–64); ESchweizer, Geist u. Gemeinde im NT ’52, Int 6, ’52, 259–78.—WTosetti, Der Hl. Geist als göttliche Pers. in den Evangelien 1918; HLeisegang, Pneuma Hagion. Der Ursprung des Geistbegriffs der Syn. Ev. aus der griech. Mystik 1922; AFrövig, Das Sendungsbewusstsein Jesu u. der Geist 1924; HWindisch, Jes. u. d. Geist nach Syn. Überl.: Studies in Early Christianity, presented to FCPorter and BWBacon 1928, 209–36; FSynge, The Holy Spirit in the Gospels and Acts: CQR 120, ’35, 205–17; CBarrett, The Holy Spirit and the Gospel Trad. ’47.—ESokolowski, Die Begriffe Geist u. Leben bei Pls 1903; KDeissner, Auferstehungshoffnung u. Pneumagedanke bei Pls 1912; GVos, The Eschatological Aspect of the Pauline Conception of the Spirit: Bibl. and Theol. Studies by the Faculty of Princeton Theol. Sem. 1912, 209–59; HBertrams, Das Wesen des Geistes nach d. Anschauung des Ap. Pls 1913; WReinhard, Das Wirken des Hl. Geistes im Menschen nach den Briefen des Ap. Pls 1918; HHoyle, The Holy Spirit in St. Paul 1928; PGächter, Z. Pneumabegriff des hl. Pls: ZKT 53, 1929, 345–408; ASchweitzer, D. Mystik des Ap. Pls 1930, 159–74 al. [Mysticism of Paul the Apostle, tr. WMontgomery ’31, 160–76 al.]; E-BAllo, RB 43, ’34, 321–46 [1 Cor]; Ltzm., Hdb. exc. after Ro 8:11; Synge [s. above], CQR 119, ’35, 79–93 [Pauline epp.]; NWaaning, Onderzoek naar het gebruik van πνεῦμα bij Pls, diss. Amsterd. ’39; RJewett, Paul’s Anthropological Terms, ’71, 167–200.—HvBaer, Der Hl. Geist in den Lukasschriften 1926; MGoguel, La Notion joh. de l’Esprit 1902; JSimpson, The Holy Spirit in the Fourth Gospel: Exp., 9th ser., 4, 1925, 292–99; HWindisch, Jes. u. d. Geist im J.: Amicitiae Corolla (RHarris Festschr.) ’33, 303–18; WLofthouse, The Holy Spirit in Ac and J: ET 52, ’40/41, 334–36; CBarrett, The Holy Spirit in the Fourth Gospel: JTS 1 n.s., ’50, 1–15; FCrump, Pneuma in the Gospels, diss. Catholic Univ. of America, ’54; GLampe, Studies in the Gospels (RHLightfoot memorial vol.) ’55, 159–200; NHamilton, The Holy Spirit and Eschatology in Paul, ’57; WDavies, Paul and the Dead Sea Scrolls, Flesh and Spirit: The Scrolls and the NT, ed. KStendahl, ’57, 157–82.—GJohnston, ‘Spirit’ and ‘Holy Spirit’ in the Qumran Lit.: NT Sidelights (ACPurdy Festschr.) ’60, 27–42; JPryke, ‘Spirit’ and ‘Flesh’ in Qumran and NT, RevQ 5, ’65, 346–60; HBraun, Qumran und d. NT II, ’66, 150–64; DHill, Greek Words and Hebrew Meanings, ’67, 202–93; WBieder, Pneumatolog. Aspekte im Hb, OCullmann Festschr. ’72, 251–59; KEasley, The Pauline Usage of πνεύματι as a Reference to the Spirit of God: JETS 27, ’84, 299–313 (statistics).—B. 260; 1087. Pauly-W. XIV 387–412. BHHW I 534–37. Schmidt, Syn. II 218–50. New Docs 4, 38f. DELG s.v. πνέω. M-M. Dict. de la Bible XI 126–398. EDNT. TW. Sv.

   Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.

   A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.

   Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140

   The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."

   In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.

   The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.

   Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385

   Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in

   Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.

   The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.

   Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580

   The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.

   The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.

   What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.

   By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.

   Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.

   The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.

   By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.

   In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.

   Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640

   Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.

   Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.

   On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.

   Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822

   Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.

   Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.

   In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the

   Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.

   Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.

   Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.

   Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910

   During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.

   Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.

   Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.

   Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.

   Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.

   As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.

   First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26

   Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.

   The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.

   Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.

   The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74

   During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."

   Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.

   For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),

   and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.

   The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.

   With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.

   During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.

   The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.

   At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.

   The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.

   Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76

   Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.

   Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.

   In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.

   In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.

   In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.

   The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until

   UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.

   Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000

   After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.

   From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.

   Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.

   Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.

   In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.

   In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.

   Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.

    Contemporary Portugal

   Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.

   The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.

   Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.

   Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).

   All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.

   The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.

   After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.

   Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.

   Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.

   From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.

   Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.

   In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.

   An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

m; -s, - (Pl. selten, meist poet.)

1. sky; MET. auch skies Pl.; lit. heavens Pl.; am Himmel in the sky; unter freiem Himmel in the open air; unter südlichem Himmel under southern skies; der Rauch steigt zum Himmel ( auf) the smoke is rising up into the sky; zwischen Himmel und Erde schweben float in midair; der Himmel lacht fig. (die Sonne scheint) the sun has got his hat on; stinken

2. RELI. heaven; im Himmel in heaven; in den Himmel kommen go to heaven; zum oder in den Himmel auffahren oder gen Himmel fahren BIBL. ascend into heaven; im Himmel sein euph. be with the angels; Himmel und Hölle in Bewegung setzen fig. move heaven and earth; Himmel und Hölle Hüpfspiel: hopscotch

3. fig. heaven, paradise; der Himmel auf Erden geh. heaven on earth; den Himmel auf Erden haben geh. live in paradise; aus allen Himmeln fallen be crushed; aus heiterem Himmel umg. (completely) out of the blue; in den Himmel heben umg. praise to the skies; im sieb(en) ten Himmel sein oder sich [wie] im sieb[en]ten Himmel fühlen umg. be on cloud nine, be walking on air, be in the seventh heaven; ihm hängt der Himmel voller Geigen geh. he thinks life’s a bed of roses; das schreit oder umg. stinkt zum Himmel it’s a scandal; vom Himmel fallen appear from nowhere; ... fallen nicht ( einfach) vom Himmel... don’t grow on trees; Erfolge, Fortschritte etc.: don’t (just) happen by themselves; Wolken am politischen Himmel clouds on the political horizon; der Himmel würde einstürzen, wenn... umg. the world would end if...; es gibt mehr Dinge zwischen Himmel und Erde als man sich vorstellen kann there are more things between heaven and earth than is possible to imagine; Meister 2, Stern1 1

4. in Ausrufen: dem Himmel sei Dank! thank heavens!; der Himmel ist oder sei mein Zeuge! altm. as God is my witness!; gütiger oder du lieber Himmel! umg. my goodness!, good Heavens!; um Himmels willen! for Heaven’s ( oder God’s) sake!; weiß der Himmel! umg. God knows; Himmel ( noch mal oder Herrgott, Sakrament)! umg. for heaven’s sake!; Himmel, Arsch und Zwirn oder Wolkenbruch Sl. bloody hell, Am. holy smoke

5. vom Bett etc.: canopy; im Auto: roof; umg. (Gaumen) roof of one’s mouth

* * *

(Himmelreich) heaven;

(Luftraum) sky

* * *

m -s,

1) sky

2) (REL = Himmelreich) heaven

3) (= Betthimmel etc) canopy; (im Auto) roof

* * *

1) (in some religions, the place where God or the gods live, and where good people go when they die.) heaven

2) (the sky: He raised his eyes to heaven / the heavens.) heaven

3) ((something which brings) great happiness: `This is heaven', she said, lying on the beach in the sun.) heaven

4) (the part of space above the earth, in which the sun, moon etc can be seen; the heavens: The sky was blue and cloudless; We had grey skies and rain throughout our holiday; The skies were grey all week.) sky

* * *

<-s, (poet) ->

1. (Firmament) sky

der \Himmel hellt [o klärt] sich auf the sky is brightening [or clearing] up

der \Himmel bezieht sich the sky [or it] is clouding over

zwischen \Himmel und Erde between the earth and sky

unter freiem \Himmel under the open sky, outdoors, in the open air

am \Himmel stehen to be [up] in the sky

ist das der Polarstern, der da oben am \Himmel steht? is that the Pole Star up there [in the sky]?

am \Himmel in the sky

bei wolkenlosem/wolkenverhangenem \Himmel when the sky is clear/cloudy

bei klarem/trübem/bedecktem \Himmel when the sky is clear/dull/overcast

unter italienischem/südlichem \Himmel under Italian/southern skies liter

die Sonne steht hoch am \Himmel the sun is high in the sky

den Blick gen \Himmel richten (geh) to raise one's eyes towards the heavens

der \Himmel lacht (geh) the sun is shining brightly

der \Himmel öffnet seine Schleusen (geh) the heavens open

2. (Himmelreich) heaven

den \Himmel auf Erden haben (geh) to be heaven [or paradise] on earth for one

der \Himmel ist [o sei] mein Zeuge (veraltend) as heaven is my witness old

zum \Himmel auffahren [o in den \Himmel fahren] to ascend into heaven

in den \Himmel kommen to go to heaven

im \Himmel in heaven

dem \Himmel sei Dank (veraltend) thank heaven[s]

jdm hängt der \Himmel voller Geigen (geh) sb is in paradise [or is walking on air] [or is [walking] on cloud nine] [or is over the moon

3. (Baldachin) canopy

4. AUTO [interior] roof

▶ \Himmel, Arsch und Zwirn! (sl) bloody hell! BRIT sl, Christ almighty! vulg

▶ den \Himmel für eine Bassgeige [o einen Dudelsack] ansehen DIAL (fam: völlig betrunken sein) to be three sails [or sheets] to the wind

▶ \Himmel und Erde KOCHK NORDD north German dish of fried black pudding and liver sausage, puréed potato and apple

▶ nicht [einfach] vom \Himmel fallen to not fall out of the sky

▶ gerechter [o gütiger] \Himmel! good heavens!

▶ jdn/etw in den \Himmel heben (fam) to praise sb/sth [up] to the skies

▶ aus heiterem \Himmel (fam) out of the blue

▶ \Himmel und Hölle hopscotch

▶ \Himmel und Hölle in Bewegung setzen (fam) to move heaven and earth

▶ [ach] du lieber \Himmel! (fam) [oh] heavens!

▶ \Himmel und Menschen DIAL hordes of people

▶ \Himmel noch mal! (fam) for heaven's [or goodness'] sake

▶ zum \Himmel schreien to be scandalous [or a scandal]

▶ es schreit zum \Himmel, wie... it's a scandal that...

▶ im sieb[en]ten \Himmel sein [o sich akk fühlen wie im siebenten \Himmel] (fam) to be in seventh heaven

▶ zum \Himmel stinken (fam) to stink to high heaven

▶ eher stürzt der \Himmel ein, als dass...... won't happen in a million years

eher stürzt der \Himmel ein, als dass er das täte he wouldn't do that in a million years

▶ [das] weiß der \Himmel! (fam) heaven knows!

▶ um \Himmels willen (fam) for heaven's [or goodness'] sake

* * *

1) sky

2) (Aufenthalt Gottes) heaven

3) (verhüll.): (Schicksal) Heaven

4) (Baldachin) canopy

5) (im Auto) roof lining

* * *

Himmel m; -s, - (pl selten, meist poet)

1. sky; METEO auch skies pl; liter heavens pl;

am Himmel in the sky;

unter freiem Himmel in the open air;

unter südlichem Himmel under southern skies;

der Rauch steigt zum Himmel (auf) the smoke is rising up into the sky;

zwischen Himmel und Erde schweben float in midair;

der Himmel lacht fig (die Sonne scheint) the sun has got his hat on; → stinken

2. REL heaven;

im Himmel in heaven;

in den Himmel kommen go to heaven;

zum oder

in den Himmel auffahren oder

gen Himmel fahren BIBEL ascend into heaven;

im Himmel sein euph be with the angels;

Himmel und Hölle in Bewegung setzen fig move heaven and earth;

Himmel und Hölle Hüpfspiel: hopscotch

3. fig heaven, paradise;

der Himmel auf Erden geh heaven on earth;

den Himmel auf Erden haben geh live in paradise;

aus allen Himmeln fallen be crushed;

aus heiterem Himmel umg (completely) out of the blue;

in den Himmel heben umg praise to the skies;

im sieb(en)ten Himmel sein oder

sich [wie] im sieb[en]ten Himmel fühlen umg be on cloud nine, be walking on air, be in the seventh heaven;

ihm hängt der Himmel voller Geigen geh he thinks life’s a bed of roses;

das schreit oder umg

stinkt zum Himmel it’s a scandal;

vom Himmel fallen appear from nowhere;

… fallen nicht (einfach) vom Himmel … don’t grow on trees; Erfolge, Fortschritte etc: don’t (just) happen by themselves;

Wolken am politischen Himmel clouds on the political horizon;

der Himmel würde einstürzen, wenn … umg the world would end if …;

es gibt mehr Dinge zwischen Himmel und Erde als man sich vorstellen kann there are more things between heaven and earth than is possible to imagine; → Meister 2, Stern¹ 1

4. in Ausrufen:

dem Himmel sei Dank! thank heavens!;

der Himmel ist oder

sei mein Zeuge! obs as God is my witness!;

gütiger oder

du lieber Himmel! umg my goodness!, good Heavens!;

um Himmels willen! for Heaven’s ( oder God’s) sake!;

weiß der Himmel! umg God knows;

Himmel (

noch mal oder

Herrgott, Sakrament)

! umg for heaven’s sake!;

Himmel, Arsch und Zwirn oder

Wolkenbruch sl bloody hell, US holy smoke

5. vom Bett etc: canopy; im Auto: roof; umg (Gaumen) roof of one’s mouth

* * *

1) sky

2) (Aufenthalt Gottes) heaven

3) (verhüll.): (Schicksal) Heaven

4) (Baldachin) canopy

5) (im Auto) roof lining

* * *

heaven n.

sky n.

I. κύριος, ία, ιον(Pind. et al.; ins, pap) comp. κυριώτερος (Just., A II, 13, 3); superl. κυριώτατος (Just., D. 11, 2); adv. κυρίως. The primary mng. relates to possession of power or authority, in various senses: ‘strong, authoritative, valid, ruling’; then to that which is preeminently important principal, essential (Aeschyl. et al.; 4 Macc 1:19; Jos., Ant. 20, 41, C. Ap. 1, 19; 2, 177; Just.; Ath. 22:2) τὸ δὲ κυριώτερον but what is more important IMg 1:2 (cp. Diog. L. 4, 26 ἐν τῷ κυρίῳ=quite definitely).—DELG.

II. κύριος, ου, ὁ (the masc. form of the subst. adj. κύριος [s. I], Aeschyl.+; Appian, Bell. Civ. 4, 92 §385 [=ὁ τὸ κῦρος ἔχων]; ins, pap, LXX, pseudepigr.; Philo, Joseph., apolog.; loanw. in rabb. For the corresp. fem. s. κυρία.) gener. ‘lord, master’.

① one who is in charge by virtue of possession, owner (X., Symp. 6, 1; Diod S 4, 15, 3; 14, 7, 6; ins, pap, LXX) κ. πάντων Gal 4:1 (Diod S 33, 7, 1; Philostrat., Vi. Apoll. 1, 13 p. 12, 10 of one who has come of age and controls his own property).

ⓐ of things w. impers. obj. κ. τοῦ ἀμπελῶνος owner of the vineyard (cp. SIG 742, 6 κ. τῆς χώρας) Mt 20:8; 21:40; Mk 12:9; Lk 20:13, 15; ὁ κ. τῆς οἰκίας the master of the house (Ex 22:7; SIG 1215, 28; PTebt 5, 147 [118 B.C.] τοὺς κ. τῶν οἰκιῶν) Mk 13:35. Of a πῶλος: οἱ κ. αὐτοῦ its owners (PHib 34, 3 a span of oxen; Ex 21:29 [αὐτοῦ=τοῦ ταύρου]) Lk 19:33 (ASouter, Exp. 8th ser., 8, 1914, 94f, in connection w. the pl. here and Ac 16:16, 19 thinks of the owners as man and wife; the pl. οἱ κύριοι has this mng. Diod S 34 + 35, Fgm. 2, 10 and 2, 37: a married couple who are slave-owners. On the other hand in the Syntipas collection of Aesop’s Fables 16 p. 534 P. οἱ κύριοι of a dog are a number of metalworkers. On Hebr. background for possible understanding of the pl. in the sing. sense ‘owner’, s. RButh, JBL 104, ’86, 680–85.). The mng. owner easily passes into that of lord, master, one who has full control of someth. (Diod S 5, 42, 5 θανάτου κύριοι=lords over [life and] death; 10, 17, 1 and 2 κ. τοῦ σώματος=master of one’s own body; Ptolem., Apotel. 3, 11, 10 ὁ κ. τῆς ζωῆς; PsSol 2:29 κ. γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης; Philo, Spec. Leg. 3, 67; Jos., C. Ap. 2, 200) ὁ κ. τοῦ θερισμοῦ the Lord of the harvest (Jos., Ant.4, 227 κύριος ἔστω τὰ φυτὰ καρποῦσθαι) Mt 9:38; Lk 10:2. κ. τοῦ σαββάτου Lord of the Sabbath Mt 12:8; Mk 2:28; Lk 6:5.

ⓑ w. a personal obj.: opp. δοῦλος J 13:16; foll. by gen. of pers. (cp. Judg 19:11; Gen 24:36; TestSol 22:5; TestJob 7:9; TestGad 4:4; JosAs 4:14) Mt 10:24f; 18:31f; 24:48; Lk 12:36. ὁ κ. τοῦ δούλου Lk 12:46. Abs., though the sense is unmistakable (Diod S 8, 5, 3; ApcEsdr 3:14 p. 27, 27f Tdf.) 12:37, 42b; 14:23; J 15:15; cp. Ro 14:4a; Eph 6:9a; Col 4:1. Several masters of the same slave (Billerb. I 430.—TestJos 14:2): δυσὶν κυρίοις δουλεύειν Mt 6:24; Ac 16:16, 19 (s. Souter under a above). κατὰ σάρκα designates more definitely the sphere in which the service-relation holds true οἱ κατὰ σάρκα κ. Eph 6:5; Col 3:22. As a form of address used by slaves κύριε Mt 13:27; 25:20, 22, 24; Lk 13:8; 14:22; 19:16, 18, 20, 25.

② one who is in a position of authority, lord, master

ⓐ of earthly beings, as a designation of any pers. of high position: of husband in contrast to wife 1 Pt 3:6 (Gen 18:12; TestAbr A 15 p. 95, 15 [Stone p. 38]; ApcMos 2. cp. Plut., De Virt. Mul. 15 p. 252b; SIG 1189, 7; 1190, 5; 1234, 1); of a father by his son Mt 21:29 (cp. BGU 423, 2 Ἀπίων Ἐπιμάχῳ τῷ πατρὶ καὶ κυρίῳ; 818, 1; 28; Gen 31:35; by his daughter TestJob 46:2; JosAs 4:5); of an official in high position, by those who have dealings with him (cp. PFay 106, 15; 129, 1; 134, 2; BGU 648, 16) Mt 27:63. As a form of address to respected pers. gener.; here, as elsewhere, = our sir (as Mod. Gk.) Mt 25:11; J 12:21; 20:15 (but s. NWyatt, ZNW 81, ’90, 38); Ac 16:30; Rv 7:14 (cp. Epict. 3, 23, 11; 19; Gen 23:6; 44:18; TestAbr A 2 p. 78, 33 [Stone p. 4]; JosAs 7:8 al.). The distinctive Gr-Rom. view of ‘deified’ rulers requires treatment under 2bβ.

ⓑ of transcendent beings

α. as a designation of God (for this custom, which has its roots in the Orient, s. the references in Ltzm., Hdb. exc. on Ro 10:9; Bousset, Kyrios Christos² 1921, 95–98; Dssm., LO 298f [LAE 353ff]; s. also SEG XXXVI, 350 and add. ins cited by DZeller, DDD 918f; LXX (where it freq. replaces the name Yahweh in the Mt); pseudepigr.; Philo, Just.; Hippol. Ref. 8, 17, 1; Orig., C. Cels. 1, 35, 6.—FDoppler, D. Wort ‘Herr’ als Göttername im Griech.: Opusc. philol. v. kath. akad. Philologenverein in Wien I 1926, 42–47; MParca, ASP 31, ’91, 51 [lit.]) ὁ κ. Mt 5:33; Mk 5:19; Lk 1:6, 9, 28, 46; 2:15, 22; Ac 4:26 (Ps 2:2); 7:33; 8:24; Eph 6:7 (perh. w. ref. to Christ); 2 Th 3:3; 2 Ti 1:16, 18; Hb 8:2; Js 1:7; 4:15. Without the art. (on the inclusion or omission of the art. s. BWeiss [θεός, beg.]; B-D-F §254, 1; Mlt-Turner 174), like a personal name (οὐδένα κύριον ὀνομνάζουσι πλὴν τὸν θεόν Hippol. Ref. 9, 26, 2) Mt 27:10; Mk 13:20; Lk 1:17, 58; Ac 7:49; Hb 7:21 (Ps 109:4); 12:6 (Pr 3:12); 2 Pt 2:9; Jd 5 (θεὸς Χριστός P⁷²); 9. ἄγγελος κυρίου (LXX, TestSol, GrBar et al.) Mt 1:20, 24; 2:13, 19; 28:2; Lk 1:11; 2:9a; J 5:3 v.l.; Ac 5:19; 7:30 v.l.; 8:26; 12:7, 23. δόξα κυρίου (Is 40:5; PsSol 5:19; 7:31; TestLevi 8:11; ApcMos 37) Lk 2:9b; δούλη κ. 1:38; ἡμέρα κ. Ac 2:20 (Jo 3:4); νόμος κ. Lk 2:23f, 39; τὸ ὄνομα κ. Mt 21:9 (Ps 117:26; PsSol 6:1 al.); Ac 2:21 (Jo 3:5); πνεῦμα κ. Lk 4:18 (Is 61:1); Ac 8:39; τὸ ῥῆμα κ. 1 Pt 1:25 (Gen 15:1 al.); φωνὴ κ. (Gen 3:8 al.); Ac 7:31; χεὶρ κ. (Ex 9:3 al.; TestJob 26:4; ApcMos prol.) Lk 1:66. ὁ Χριστὸς κυρίου 2:26 (PsSol 17:32 [Χριστὸς κύριος, s. app.]).—W. the sphere of his lordship more definitely expressed (Diod S 3, 61, 5 Zeus is κ. τοῦ σύμπαντος κόσμου; 6 θεὸς καὶ κ. εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα τοῦ σύμπαντος κόσμου; Jos., Ant. 20, 90 τῶν πάντων κ.; Just., D. 127, 2 κ. τῶν πάντων) κ. τοῦ οὐρανοῦ καὶ τῆς γῆς (PGM 4, 640f; ParJer 5:32 [Harris]) Mt 11:25; Lk 10:21; cp. Ac 17:24. κ. τῶν κυριευόντων Lord of lords 1 Ti 6:15. ὁ κ. ἡμῶν 1:14; 2 Pt 3:15; Rv 11:15 (LXX; PsSol 10:5). Cp. 22:6 (s. Num 16:22; 27:16). κ. ὁ θεός Lk 1:32; Rv 1:8; with μου (σου, etc.) Mt 4:7 (Dt 6:16), 10 (Dt 6:13); 22:37 (Dt 6:5); Mk 12:29f (Dt 6:4f); Lk 1:16 al. κ. ὁ θεὸς τοῦ Ἰσραήλ 1:68 (PsSol 16:3; TestSol 1:13). κ. ὁ θεὸς (ἡμῶν) ὁ παντοκράτωρ God, the (our) Lord, the Almighty Rv 4:8; 15:3; 16:7; 19:6; 21:22 (TestSol D 4:7; cp. ParJer 9:6). κ. Σαβαώθ Ro 9:29 (Is 1:9; TestSol 1:6 al.; Just., D. 64, 2); Js 5:4.—W. prep. ἐνώπιον τοῦ κυρίου Lk 1:15 (Ex 23:17; 1 Km 1:25 al.; TestJob 15:6 al.; TestReub 1:9 al.). παρὰ κυρίου Mt 21:42; Mk 12:11 (both Ps 117:23). παρὰ κυρίῳ 2 Pt 3:8. πρὸς τὸν κύριον Hs 9, 12, 6 (LXX; PsSol 1:1 al.).

β. Closely connected w. the custom of applying the term κ. to deities is that of honoring (deified) rulers with the same title (exx. [2bα beg.] in Ltzm., op. cit.; Bousset 93; Dssm., 299ff [LAE 356]; FKattenbusch, Das apostol. Symbol II 1900, 605ff; KPrümm, Herrscherkult u. NT: Biblica 9, 1928, 3–25; 119–40; 289–301; JFears, RAC XIV, 1047–93; JvanHenten, 1341–52 [lit.]; cp. the attitude of the Lacedaemonians: φοβούμενοι τὸν ἕνα κ. αὐτῶν τὸν Λυκούργου νόμον=‘respecting their one and only lord, the law of Lycurgus’ Orig., C. Cels. 8, 6, 12). Fr. the time of Claudius (POxy. 37, 6; O. Wilck II 1038, 6) we find the Rom. emperors so designated in increasing measure; in isolated cases, even earlier (OGI 606, 1; on Augustus’ attitude s. DioCass. 51, 7f). Ac 25:26.—On deified rulers in gener. s. LCerfaux-JTondriau, Un concurrent du Christianisme: le culte des souverains dans la civilisation gréco-romaine ’57; FTaeger, Charisma, 2 vols. ’57–60; DRoloff, Göttlichkeit, Vergöttlichung und Erhöhung zu seligem Leben, ’70. S. esp. the collection of articles and reviews by various scholars, in Römischer Kaiserkult, ed. AWlosok ’78.

γ. κύριος is also used in ref. to Jesus:

א. in OT quotations, where it is understood of the Lord of the new community ἡ ὁδὸς κ. (Is 40:3) Mt 3:3; Mk 1:3; Lk 3:4; J 1:23. εἶπεν κύριος τ. κυρίῳ μου (Ps 109:1: the first κ. is God, the second Christ; s. Billerb. IV 452–65: Der 110. Ps. in d. altrabb. Lit.; βασιλεὺς αὐτῶν χριστὸς κ. [or κυρίου; s. 2bα] PsSol 17:32) Mt 22:44 (cp. vss. 43, 45); Mk 12:36 (cp. vs. 37); Lk 20:42 (cp. vs. 44); Ac 2:34. ὁ καυχώμενος ἐν κυρίῳ καυχάσθω 1 Cor 1:31 (cp. Jer 9:22f). τὸ ὄνομα κυρίου Ro 10:13 (cp. Jo 3:5). σὺ κατʼ ἀρχάς, κύριε, τὴν γῆν ἐθεμελίωσας Hb 1:10 (cp. Ps 101:26). εἰ ἐγεύσασθε ὅτι χρηστὸς ὁ κύριος 1 Pt 2:3 (cp. Ps 33:9). 1 Pt 3:15 adds Χριστόν to κύριον ἁγιάσατε Is 8:13.

ב. Apart from OT quots., Mt and Mk speak of Jesus as κύριος only in one pass. (words of Jesus himself) Mk 11:3=Mt 21:3 (but s. RBratcher, ET 64, ’52/53, 93; New Docs 1, 43; JDerrett, NovT 13, ’71, 241–58 on the public transport system; cp. Lk 19:31, 34), but they record that he was addressed as ‘Lord’ (κύριε), once in Mk (7:28) and more oft. in Mt, e.g. 8:2, 6, 8, 21, 25; 9:28; 14:28, 30; 15:22, 25, 27; 16:22 (also ApcSed 12:2).—Lk refers to Jesus much more frequently as ὁ κ. (Iren. 1, prol. 2 [Harv. I 4, 5] and 5, 26, 2 [Harv. II 396, 2]): 7:13; 10:1, 39 (Ἰησοῦ P⁷⁵; τοῦ Ἰησοῦ P⁴⁵ et al.), 41; 11:39; 12:42a; 13:15; 17:5f; 18:6; 19:8 al. The voc. κύριε is also found oft.: 5:8, 12; 9:54, 61; 10:17, 40; 11:1; 12:41 al.—In J the designation ὁ κ. occurs rarely, in the first 19 chapters only in passages that are text-critically uncertain (4:1 v.l.; 6:23, with omission in some mss.) or that have been suspected on other grounds (11:2); then 20:2, 18, 20, 25; cp. vss. 13, 28; 21:7ab, 12. On the other hand, κύριε in address is extraordinarily common throughout the whole book: 4:11, 15, 19, 49; 5:7; 6:34, 68 al. (more than 30 times).—In the long ending of Mk we have the designation ὁ κ. twice, 16:19, 20. In GPt ὁ κ. occurs 1:2; 2:3ab; 3:6, 8; 4:10; 5:19; 6:21, 24; 12:50ab; 14:59, 60 (in the last pass. without the art.); the fragment that has been preserved hardly affords any opportunity for the use of the voc. 2 Cl introduces apocryphal sayings of Jesus with λέγει ὁ κ. 5:2; λ. ὁ κ. ἐν τ. εὐαγγελίῳ 8:5.—Repeated κύριε, κύριε Mt 7:21f; Lk 6:46; 2 Cl 4:2 (TestAbr A 9 p. 86, 26 [Stone p. 20]; ApcMos 25 p. 14, 1 Tdf.; s. KKöhler, StKr 88, 1915, 471–90).

ג. Even in the passages already mentioned the use of the word κ. raises Jesus above the human level (Mani is also κ. for his people: Kephal. I 183, 11; 13; 16); this tendency becomes even clearer in the following places: ὁ κύριος Ac 5:14; 9:10f, 42; 11:23f; 22:10b; Ro 12:11; 14:8; 1 Cor 6:13f, 17; 7:10, 12; 2 Cor 5:6, 8; Gal 1:19; Col 1:10; 1 Th 4:15b; 2 Th 3:1; Hb 2:3; Js 5:7f; B 5:5; IEph 10:3; AcPl Ha 6, 21; 7, 5; 27; 8, 2; AcPlCor 1:6, 14.—Without the art. 1 Cor 4:4; 7:22b; 10:21ab; 2 Cor 12:1; 1 Th 4:15a; 2 Ti 2:24; AcPlCor 1:8. So esp. in combinations w. preps.: ἀπὸ κυρίου Col 3:24. κατὰ κύριον 2 Cor 11:17. παρὰ κυρίου Eph 6:8. πρὸς κύριον 2 Cor 3:16; AcPl Ha 6, 9. πρὸς τὸν κ. 8, 23. σὺν κυρίῳ 1 Th 4:17b. ὑπὸ κυρίου 1 Cor 7:25b; 2 Th 2:13. Esp. freq. is the Pauline formula ἐν κυρίῳ (lit. on ἐν 4c), which appears outside Paul’s letters only Rv 14:13; IPol 8:3; AcPl Ha 3, 23; AcPlCor 1:1, 16 (cp. Pol 1:1 ἐν κυρίῳ ἡμῶν Ἰ. Χριστῷ): 1 Cor 11:11; Phlm 16; πιστὸς ἐν κ. 1 Cor 4:17; cp. Eph 6:21; Hm 4, 1, 4; φῶς ἐν κ. Eph 5:8. ἡ σφραγίς μου τ. ἀποστολῆς ὑμεῖς ἐστε ἐν κ. 1 Cor 9:2. W. verbs: ἀσπάζεσθαι Ro 16:22 (GBahr, CBQ 28, ’66, 465f renders: in the service of my master, i.e. Paul); 1 Cor 16:19. ἐνδυναμοῦσθαι Eph 6:10. καλεῖσθαι 1 Cor 7:22a. καυχᾶσθαι 1:31. κοπιᾶν Ro 16:12ab; μαρτύρεσθαι Eph 4:17. παραλαμβάνειν διακονίαν Col 4:17. πεποιθέναι εἴς τινα Gal 5:10. ἐπί τινα 2 Th 3:4; cp. Phil 1:14; 2:24. προί̈στασθαι 1 Th 5:12. προσδέχεσθαι Ro 16:2; Phil 2:29. στήκειν 4:1; 1 Th 3:8. ὑπακούειν Eph 6:1. τὸ αὐτὸ φρονεῖν Phil 4:2. θύρας μοι ἀνεῳγμένης ἐν κ. 2 Cor 2:12.—W. διδάσκαλος J 13:13f. W. σωτήρ 2 Pt 3:2; cp. 1:11; 2:20 (Just., D. 39, 2). W. Χριστός Ac 2:36; cp. Χριστὸς κύριος (La 4:20; PsSol 17, 32 v.l. [GBeale, Christos Kyrios in PsSol 17:32—‘The Lord’s Anointed’ Reconsidered: NTS 31, ’85, 620–27]; PsSol 18 ins) Lk 2:11. ὁ κ. Χριστός AcPlCor 2:3. Esp. freq. are the formulas ὁ κ. Ἰησοῦς Ac 1:21; 4:33; 8:16; 11:20; 15:11; 16:31; 19:5, 13, 17; 20:24, 35; 21:13; 1 Cor 11:23; 16:23; 2 Cor 4:14; 11:31; Gal 6:17 v.l.; Eph 1:15; 1 Th 2:15; 4:2; 2 Th 1:7; 2:8; Phlm 5.—ὁ κ. Ἰησοῦς Χριστός Ac 11:17; 28:31; Ro 13:14; 2 Cor 13:13; Phil 4:23; 2 Th 3:6; Phlm 25; 1 Cl 21:6 (Ar. 15, 1). Without the art. mostly in introductions to letters Ro 1:7; 1 Cor 1:3; 2 Cor 1:2; Gal 1:3; Eph 1:2; 6:23; Phil 1:2; 3:20; 1 Th 1:1; 2 Th 1:2, 12b; 1 Ti 5:21 v.l.; Js 1:1; Χριστὸς Ἰησοῦς κ. 2 Cor 4:5; Χριστὸς Ἰησοῦς ὁ κ. Col 2:6. Χριστὸς ὁ κ. 2 Cl 9:5. In an appeal κύριε Ἰησοῦ (cp. Sb 8316, 5f κύριε Σάραπι; PGM 7, 331 κύριε Ἄνουβι) Ac 7:59; Rv 22:20. κύριε AcPl Ha 7:30f, 40.—W. gen. of pers. (in many places the mss. vary considerably in adding or omitting this gen.) ὁ κ. μου ISm 5:2. ὁ κ. ἡμῶν 2 Ti 1:8; Hb 7:14; IPhld ins; ὁ κ. ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦς Ac 20:21; 1 Cor 5:4; 2 Cor 1:14; 1 Th 2:19; 3:11, 13; 2 Th 1:8; Hb 13:20. Ἰησοῦς ὁ κ. ἡμῶν 1 Cor 9:1. ὁ κ. ἡμῶν Χριστός Ro 16:18 (the only pass. in Paul without Ἰησοῦς). ὁ κ. ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦς Χριστός Ac 15:26; Ro 5:1, 11; 15:6, 30; 1 Cor 1:2, 7f, 10; 6:11 v.l.; 15:57; 2 Cor 1:3; 8:9; Gal 6:14, 18; Eph 1:3; 5:20; 6:24; Col 1:3; 1 Th 1:3; 5:9, 23, 28; 2 Th 2:1, 14, 16; 3:18; 1 Ti 6:3, 14; Js 2:1; 1 Pt 1:3; 2 Pt 1:8, 14, 16; Jd 4, 17, 21 (also TestSol 1:12 D). ὁ κ. ἡμῶν Χριστός Ἰησοῦς AcPlCor 2:5; cp. AcPl Ha 8, 17=Ox 1602, 20f/BMM recto 22. Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς ὁ κ. ἡμῶν Ro 1:4; 5:21; 7:25; 1 Cor 1:9; Jd 25 (Just., D. 41, 4). (ὁ) Χριστὸς Ἰησοῦς ὁ κ. ἡμῶν Ro 6:11 v.l., 23; 8:39; 1 Cor 15:31; Eph 3:11; 1 Ti 1:2, 12; 2 Ti 1:2 (ὁ ἡμέτερος κ. Χριστὸς Ἰησοῦς Just., D. 32, 3 and 47, 5 al.). Χριστὸς Ἰησοῦς ὁ κ. μου Phil 3:8. ὁ κ. μου Χριστὸς Ἰησοῦς AcPl Ha 7, 29. ὁ κ. αὐτῶν Rv 11:8.—W. other genitives: πάντων κ. Lord over all (cp. Pind., I. 5, 53 Ζεὺς ὁ πάντων κ.; Plut., Mor. 355e Osiris; PGM 13, 202) Ac 10:36; Ro 10:12. κ. κυρίων (cp. En 9:4) Rv 17:14; 19:16.—That ‘Jesus is κύριο’ (perh. ‘our κύριος is Jesus’) is the confession of the (Pauline) Christian church: Ro 10:9; 1 Cor 12:3; cp. 8:6; Phil 2:11 (on the latter pass. s. under ἁρπαγμός and κενόω 1. Cp. also Diod S 5, 72, 1: after Zeus was raised ἐκ γῆς εἰς τὸν οὐρανόν, there arose in the ψυχαῖς of all those who had experienced his benefactions, the belief ὡς ἁπάντων τῶν γινομένων κατὰ οὐρανὸν οὗτος εἴη κύριος; s. also 3, 61, 6 Zeus acclaimed ‘God and Lord’).—In J the confession takes the form ὁ κύριός μου καὶ ὁ θεός μου J 20:28 (on the combination of κύριος and θεός s. θεός, beg., and 3c).—JFitzmyer, The Semitic Background of the NT Kyrios-Title: A Wandering Aramaean—Collected Aramaic Essays ’79, 115–42; s. also 87–90.

δ. In some places it is not clear whether God or Christ is meant, cp. Ac 9:31; 1 Cor 4:19; 7:17; 2 Cor 8:21; Col 3:22b; 1 Th 4:6; 2 Th 3:16 al.

ε. of other transcendent beings

א. an angel Ac 10:4 (JosAs 14:6 al.; GrBar 4:1 al.; ApcZeph). p. 129 Denis.

ב. in contrast to the one κύριος of the Christians there are θεοὶ πολλοὶ καὶ κύριοι πολλοί many gods and many lords 1 Cor 8:5 (cp. Dt 10:17); we cannot say just what difference, if any, Paul makes betw. these θεοί and κύριοι; unless we have here an hendiadys, the apostle may imply that the κ. are of lower rank than the θ. (sim. Did., Gen. 248, 5. On the many θεοί and lesser divinities cp. Maximus Tyr. 11, 5ab θεὸς εἷς πάντων βασιλεὺς κ. πατήρ, κ. θεοὶ πολλοί, θεοῦ παῖδες [= δαίμονες 11, 12a], συνάρχοντες θεοῦ. Ταῦτα κ. ὁ Ἕλλην λέγει, κ. ὁ βάρβαρος; 8, 8ef. Also Diog. L. 8, 23 the saying of Pythagoras, that humankind must τοὺς θεοὺς δαιμόνων προτιμᾶν=honor the deities more than the divinities or demi-gods δαίμονες; Heraclitus, Fgm. 5 divides the celestial realm into θεοὶ καὶ ἥρωες. S. also κυριότης 3 and, in a way, PGM 36, 246 κύριοι ἄγγελοι; s. also θεός 1).—On the whole word s. WGraf Baudissin, Kyrios als Gottesname im Judentum u. s. Stelle in d. Religionsgesch., 4 vols. 1926–29; SvenHerner, Die Anwendung d. Wortes κ. im NT 1903; Dssm., LO 298ff [LAE 353ff]; BBacon, Jesus as Lord: HTR 4, 1911, 204–28; WHeitmüller, ZNW 13, 1912, 333ff; HBöhlig, D. Geisteskultur v. Tarsos 1913, 53ff, Zum Begriff κύριος bei Pls: ZNW 14, 1913, 23ff, ʼΕν κυρίῳ: Heinrici Festschr. 1914, 170ff; WBousset, Kyrios Christos² 1921 [Engl. tr. JSteely ’70]; PWern-le, ZTK 25, 1915, 1–92; PAlthaus, NKZ 26, 1915, 439ff; 513ff; Heitmüller, ZTK 25, 1915, 156ff; Bousset, Jesus der Herr 1916; GVos, The Continuity of the Kyrios Title in the NT: PTR 13, 1915, 161–89, The Kyrios Christos Controversy: ibid. 15, 1917, 21–89; EWeber, Zum Gebrauch der κύριος-Bez.: NKZ 31, 1920, 254ff; ERohde, Gottesglaube u. Kyriosglaube bei Paulus: ZNW 22, 1923, 43ff; RSeeberg, D. Ursprung des Christenglaubens 1914; JWeiss, D. Urchristentum 1917, 351ff; Ltzm., Hdb. exc. on Ro 10:9; Burton, ICC Gal 1921, 399–404; WFoerster, Herr ist Jesus 1924; AFrövig, D. Kyriosglaube des NTs 1928; ELohmeyer, Kyr. Jesus 1928; EvDobschütz, Κύριος Ἰησοῦς: ZNW 30, ’31, 97–123 (lit.); OMichel, D. Christus des Pls: ZNW 32, ’33, 6–31; also 28, 1929, 324–33; Dodd 9–11; LCerfaux, ‘Kyrios’ dans les citations paul. de l’AT: ETL 20, ’43, 5–17; FGrant, An Introd. to NT Thought ’50, 130–37; PÉLangevin, Jésus Seigneur ’67; IPotterie, BRigaux Festschr. ’70, 117–46 (Luke); JKingsbury, JBL 94, ’75, 246–55 (Mt); FDanker, Luke ’87, 60–81; DZeller, 925–28 (lit.).—B. 1330. Schürer II 326. DELG. M-M. EDNT. TW. Spicq. Sv.

πιστεύω (Trag.+) impf. ἐπίστευον; 1 aor. ἐπίστευσα; pf. πεπίστευκα; plpf. πεπιστεύκειν Ac 14:23 (on the omission of the augment s. B-D-F §66, 1; Mlt-H. 190). Pass.: fut. 3 pl. πιστευθήσονται Gen 42, 20; 1 aor. ἐπιστεύθην; pf. πεπίστευμαι (the word does not occur in Phlm, 2 Pt, 2 and 3J, Rv, MPol, or D. But it is a special favorite of J and 1J, where it is found 96 times and 9 times respectively; πίστις is not found in the gospel at all, and occurs in 1J only once, 5:4. Our lit. uses it quite predominantly in a transcendent sense, or at least w. transcendent coloring).

① to consider someth. to be true and therefore worthy of one’s trust, believe

ⓐ believe (in) someth., be convinced of someth., w. that which one believes (in) indicated

α. by acc. of thing (Soph., Oed. Rex 646 τάδε; Aristot., Analyt. Pr. 2, 23, 68b, 13 ἅπαντα; PSI 494, 14 μηθέν; UPZ 70, 29 [152/151 B.C.] π. τὰ ἐνύπνια; ApcEsdr 7:12 p. 32, 26 τὸ βιβλίον τοῦτο) ἡ ἀγάπη πάντα πιστεύει 1 Cor 13:7. πεπιστεύκαμεν τὴν ἀγάπην we believe in the love 1J 4:16. πιστεύεις τοῦτο; J 11:26b. Cp. Ac 13:41 (Hab 1:5). Pass. ἐπιστεύθη τὸ μαρτύριον ἡμῶν our testimony was believed 2 Th 1:10b (cp. Aristot., EN 10, 2 p. 1172b, 15 ἐπιστεύοντο οἱ λόγοι; Gen 42:20).

β. by means of a ὅτι-clause believe that (Plut., Mor. 210d; Aelian, VH 1, 16 p. 8, 9; Herm. Wr. 4, 4: Porphyr., Ad Marcellam 24; PLond III, 897, 12 p. 207 [I A.D.]; Tob 10:8 S; Job 9:16; 15:31; 39:12; La 4:12; 4 Macc 7:19; TestAbr A 18 p. 100, 18 [Stone p. 48]; ParJer 6:7; Just., A I, 18, 2 al.; Orig., C. Cels. 4, 89, 16) μακαρία ἡ πιστεύσασα ὅτι ἔσται τελείωσις Lk 1:45 (ὅτι here may=for: s. ὅτι 4b).—Mk 11:23; cp. vs. 24; J 8:24 (ὅτι ἐγώ εἰμι as Is 43:10); 11:27, 42; 13:19; 14:10; 16:27, 30; 17:8, 21; 20:31a; Ac 9:26; Ro 6:8; 10:9; 1 Th 4:14; Hb 11:6; Js 2:19a; 1J 5:1, 5; Hv 3, 8, 4; 4, 2, 4; m 1:1; 6, 2, 10b; Hs 2:5.—[ὅτι εἷς θεός] καὶ εἷς χριστός AcPl Ha 1, 17; AcPlCor 1:8. π. περί τινος ὅτι believe concerning someone that J 9:18 (M. Ant. 1, 15, 5 πιστεύειν περὶ ὧν λέγοι ὅτι οὕτως φρονεῖ=believe concerning whatever he might say, that it was what he actually thought; Just., D. 10, 1 π. ἡμῶν• ὅτι ἐσθίομεν ἀνθρώπους.—π. περί τινος as Plut., Lyc. 19, 4; Jos., Ant. 14, 267).

γ. by the acc. and inf. (pres. Pla., Gorg. 524a; PTebt 314, 3 [II A.D.]; 4 Macc 5:25; Jos., C. Ap. 2, 160; Just., A I, 8, 2 al.; Ath. 20, 3) πιστεύω τὸν υἱὸν τοῦ θεοῦ εἶναι τὸν Ἰησοῦν Ac 8:37b.—GMary 463, 8.—IRo 10:2.—By the inf. (Thu 2, 22, 1; Job 15:22; AscIs 2:10 εἰς οὐρανὸν ἀναβῆναι) πιστεύομεν σωθῆναι Ac 15:11 (difft. JNolland, NTS 27, ’80, 112f [inf. of result: ‘we believe (in order) to be saved’]).—By the acc. and ptc. ἐν σαρκὶ αὐτὸν πιστεύω ὄντα I believe that he was in the flesh ISm 3:1.

δ. by means of the dat. of thing give credence to, believe (Aeschyl., Pers. 786 θεῶν θεσφάτοισιν; Soph., Phil. 1374 τοῖς ἐμοῖς λόγοις, El. 886; Pla., Phd. 88c, Leg. 7, 798d; Polyb. 5, 42, 9; 9, 33, 1; Herodian 7, 5, 5 ἐλπίδι κρείττονι; BGU 674, 6 τῷ λόγῳ; 2 Ch 9:6 τοῖς λόγοις; Ps 105:24; Pr 14:15; Sir 19:15; En 104:13 ταῖς βίβλοις; Philo, Leg. All. 3, 229 τοῖς κενοῖς λογισμοῖς, Virt. 68 the sayings of God; Jos., C. Ap. 2, 286, Ant. 10, 39 τ. λόγοις; Tat. 18, 2 ὕλης οἰκονομία; Ath. 30, 2 ταῖς γοναῖς τοῦ Διό; Iren. 1, 10, 2 [Harv. I 92, 4] ἡ ἐκκλησία … π. τούτοις [sc. κήρυγμα and πίστις]) οὐκ ἐπίστευσας τοῖς λόγοις μου Lk 1:20 (cp. Iambl., ViPyth. 28, 148 περὶ θεῶν μηδὲν θαυμαστὸν ἀπιστεῖν ‘concerning the gods nothing is so marvelous that it should occasion unbelief’). τῇ γραφῇ καὶ τῷ λόγῳ J 2:22. Cp. 4:50; 5:47ab. τοῖς γεγραμμένοις Ac 24:14 (Diod S 16, 52, 7 πιστεύσαντες τοῖς γεγραμμένοις). τῇ ἐπαγγελίᾳ τοῦ θεοῦ 2 Cl 11:1 (Diod S 1, 53, 10 τῇ τοῦ προρρήσει πιστεύειν; 19, 90, 3). τῷ ψεύδει, τῇ ἀληθείᾳ 2 Th 2:11, 12. τῇ καταλαλιᾷ Hm 2:2. τῇ ἀκοῇ ἡμῶν (Is 53:1; cp. Jos., C. Ap. 2, 14 π. ἀκοῇ πρεσβυτέρων) J 12:38; Ro 10:16; 1 Cl 16:3. τοῖς ἔργοις J 10:38b (=their testimony); Hm 6, 2, 10a (that they are good and must be followed).—Pass. ἐπιστεύθη τῷ λόγῳ μου they believed my word Hm 3:3.

ε. w. prepositional expressions: εἰς Ro 4:18, if εἰς τὸ γενέσθαι αὐτόν here is dependent on ἐπίστευσεν. πιστεύειν εἰς τὴν μαρτυρίαν believe in the witness 1J 5:10c. ὁ Χριστιανισμὸς οὐκ εἰς Ἰουδαϊσμὸν ἐπίστευσεν the Christian way of life/Christianity did not commit itself to the Judean way/Judaism (s. Hdb. ad loc.) I Mg 10:3a; cp. b (Χριστιανισμόν, εἰς ὸ̔ν πᾶσα γλῶσσα πιστεύσασα). On πιστεύειν εἰς τὸ ὄνομά τινος s. 2aβ below. πιστεύετε ἐν τῷ εὐαγγελίῳ believe in the gospel (so Ps 105:12 ἐπίστευσαν ἐν τοῖς λόγοις αὐτοῦ. Rather in the sense ‘put one’s trust in’ Sir 32:21 μὴ πιστεύσῃς ἐν ὁδῷ ἀπροσκόπῳ. See B-D-F §187, 6; Rob. 540. ALoisy, Les Évangiles synopt. I 1907, 430; 434; comm.) Mk 1:15 (Hofmann understands it as ‘on the basis of’, Wohlenberg ‘bei’; Lohmeyer is undecided; Dssm. and Mlt. 67f ‘in the sphere of’; s. p. 235). ἐν τῷ εὐαγγελίῳ οὐ πιστεύω IPhld 8:2 (s. Bihlmeyer ad loc.).—ἐπί τινι: πιστεύειν ἐπὶ πᾶσιν οἷς ἐλάλησαν οἱ προφῆται Lk 24:25; Ro 9:33 (Is 28:16).

ⓑ w. the pers. to whom one gives credence or whom one believes, in the dat. (Demosth. 18, 10; Aristot., Rhet. 2, 14 p. 1390a, 32; Polyb. 15, 26, 6 τοῖς εἰδόσι τὴν ἀλήθειαν; Herodian 2, 1, 10; PHib 72, 18; POxy 898, 29; PTebt 418, 15; Ex 4:1, 5; 3 Km 10:7; 2 Ch 32:15; Tob 2:14; Jer 47:14; JosAs 13:10; Philo, Praem. 49; Just., A I, 33, 5, D 7, 2 al.) τοῖς θεασαμένοις αὐτὸν ἐγηγερμένον οὐκ ἐπίστευσαν they did not believe those who saw him after he was raised from the dead Mk 16:14. Cp. Mt 21:25, 32abc; Mk 11:31; 16:13; Lk 20:5; J 5:46a; Ac 8:12; 26:27a (τ. προφήταις as Jos., Ant. 11, 96); 1J 4:1; Hm 6, 1, 2ab.—Also of Jesus and God whom one believes, in that one accepts their disclosures without doubt or contradiction: Jesus: Mt 27:42 v.l.; J 5:38, 46b; 6:30; 8:45, 46; 10:37, 38a. God: J 5:24; Ro 4:3 (Gen 15:6), 17 κατέναντι οὗ ἐπίστευσεν θεοῦ (= κατέναντι θεοῦ ᾧ ἐπίστευσεν); Gal 3:6; Js 2:23; 1 Cl 10:6 (all three Gen 15:6). ὁ μὴ πιστεύων τῷ θεῷ ψεύστην πεποίηκεν αὐτόν 1J 5:10b. AcPl Ha 3, 7.

ⓒ w. pers. and thing added π. τινί τι believe someone with regard to someth. (X., Apol. 15 μηδὲ ταῦτα εἰκῇ πιστεύσητε τῷ θεῷ) Hm 6, 2, 6.—W. dat. of pers. and ὅτι foll. (ApcEsdr 4:35 p. 29, 12 Tdf.): πιστεύετέ μοι ὅτι ἐγὼ ἐν τῷ πατρί J 14:11a. Cp. 4:21; Ac 27:25.

ⓓ abs. (in which case the context supplies the obj., etc.; cp. ParJer 7:19 γέγονε δὲ τοῦτο, ἵνα πιστεύσωσιν) ἐάν τις ὑμῖν εἴπῃ• ἰδοὺ ὧδε ὁ Χριστός, μὴ πιστεύσητε do not believe (him or it [the statement]) Mt 24:23; cp. vs. 26; Mk 13:21; Lk 22:67; J 3:12ab; 10:25f; 12:47 v.l.; 14:29; 16:31; 19:35; 20:8, 25; cp. GJs 19:3. J 20:29ab πιστεύσαντες those who have nevertheless believed (it=the fact of the Resurrection); Ac 4:4; 26:27b; 1 Cor 11:18 πιστεύω I believe (it=that there are divisions among you); 15:11; Js 2:19b even the daemons believe this; Jd 5. Pass. καρδίᾳ πιστεύεται with (or in) the heart men believe (it=that Jesus was raised fr. the dead) Ro 10:10.

ⓔ believe = let oneself be influenced κατά τινος against someone Pol 6:1.

ⓕ πιστεύομαι I am believed, I enjoy confidence (X., An. 7, 6, 33; Diod S 5, 80, 4 τοῖς μάλιστα πιστευομένοις ἐπηκολουθήσαμεν; 17, 32, 1; 1 Km 27:12; Jos., Ant. 10, 114; PGM 12, 279 πιστευθήσῃ=you will be believed) of Eve παρθένος πιστεύεται people believe that she is a virgin Dg 12:8, or perh. a virgin is entrusted (to someone without fear). S. 3 below.

② to entrust oneself to an entity in complete confidence, believe (in), trust, w. implication of total commitment to the one who is trusted. In our lit. God and Christ are objects of this type of faith that relies on their power and nearness to help, in addition to being convinced that their revelations or disclosures are true. The obj. is

ⓐ given

α. in the dat. (cp. Soph., Philoct. 1374 θεοῖς πιστ.; X., Mem. 1, 1, 5; Ps.-Pla., Epinom. 980c πιστεύσας τοῖς θεοῖς εὔχου; Ptolem. Lagi [300 B.C.]: 138 Fgm. 8 Jac.; Maximus Tyr. 3, 8k τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι; Epict., app. E, 10 p. 488 Sch. θεῷ; Himerius, Or. 8 [=23], 18 πῶς Διονύσῳ πιστεύσω; how can I trust D.?; UPZ 144, 12 [164 B.C.] τ. θεοῖς; Jdth 14:10; Wsd 16:26; 4 Macc 7:21 al. in LXX; Philo, Leg. All. 3, 229 πιστεύειν θεῷ, Rer. Div. Her. 92 μόνῳ θεῷ, Op. M. 45, Sacr. Abel. 70 τῷ σωτήρι θεῷ, Abr. 269, Mos. 1, 225, Virt. 216 [on faith in Philo s. Bousset, Rel.³ 446ff; EHatch, Essays in Biblical Gk. 1889, 83ff; ASchlatter, D. Glaube im NT⁴ 1927; EBréhier, Les idées philosophiques et religieuses de Philon d’Alexandrie 1908, ²1925; HWindisch, Die Frömmigkeit Philos 1909, 23ff; HWolfson, Philo ’47 I, 143–56, esp. II, 215–18; WPeisker, D. Glaubensbegriff bei Philon, diss. ’36]; Jos., Ant. 2, 117; 333; 3, 309; 20, 48, Bell. 3, 387 [s. ASchlatter, D. Theol. d. Judentums nach d. Bericht des Jos. ’32, 104ff]; Just., A I, 18, 6 al.). Some of the passages referred to in 1b above, end, are repeated, since they may be classified here or there w. equal justification. Of God: π. τῷ θεῷ (Orig., C. Cels. 4, 89, 15) Ac 16:34; 13:12 D; Tit 3:8; PtK 4 p. 16, 2; B 16:7; Hm 12, 6, 2; Hs 5, 1, 5. Cp. m 1:2; AcPl Ha 10, 13f. τῷ κυρίῳ (Sir 11:21; 2:8) Hv 4, 2, 6. οἱ πιστεύσαντες τῷ κυρίῳ διὰ τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ Hs 9, 13, 5. τῷ θεῷ w. ὅτι foll. m 9:7; cp. Hs 1:7.—Of Christ: Mt 27:42 v.l. (for ἐπʼ αὐτόν); J 6:30 (σοί=vs. 29 εἰς ὸ̔ν ἀπέστειλεν ἐκεῖνος); J 8:31 (αὐτῷ=vs. 30 εἰς αὐτόν, but see Mlt. 67f; JSwetnam argues for a plpf. sense here: Biblica 61, ’80, 106–9); Ac 5:14; 18:8a (both τῷ κυρίῳ); Ro 10:14b (οὗ οὐκ ἤκουσαν = τούτῳ [about equivalent to εἰς τοῦτον; cp. vs. 14a] οὗ οὐκ ἤκ.); 2 Ti 1:12; ITr 9:2; Hs 8, 3, 2.—Pass. be believed in (X., Cyr. 4, 2, 8; 6, 1, 39; Pla., Lach. 181b; Ps.-Demosth. 58, 44 al.; 1 Km 27:12; Just., D. 7, 3; Tat. 10, 2. S. B-D-F §312, 1; also s. Rob. 815f) ἐπιστεύθη ἐν κόσμῳ 1 Ti 3:16.—π. τῷ ὀνόματι τοῦ υἱοῦ believe in the name of the Son, i.e. believe in the Son and accept what his name proclaims him to be 1J 3:23.

β. w. εἰς (cp. Hippol., Elench. 6, 19, 7 W. οἱ εἰς τὸν Σίμωνα καὶ τὴν Ἑλένην πεπιστευκότες; Just., D. 35, 8 al.) God (BGU 874, 11 π. εἰς τὸν θεόν): J 12:44b; 14:1a (cp. ET 21, 1910, 53–57; 68–70; 138f); 1 Pt 1:21 v.l.=Pol 2:1.—Christ: Mt 18:6; Mk 9:42; J 2:11; 3:15 v.l., 16, 18a, 36; 4:39; 6:29, 35, 40, 47 v.l.; 7:5, 31, 38f, 48; 8:30; 9:35f; 10:42; 11:25, 26a, 45, 48; 12:11, 36 (εἰς τὸ φῶς), 37, 42, 44a, 46; 14:1b, 12; 16:9; 17:20; Ac 10:43; 14:23; 18:8 D; 19:4; Ro 10:14a; Gal 2:16; Phil 1:29; 1 Pt 1:8; 1J 5:10a; AcPlCor 2:31; Hs 8, 3, 2.—εἰς τὸ ὄνομα Ἰησοῦ (or αὐτοῦ, etc.) J 1:12; 2:23; 3:18c; 1J 5:13 (s. ὄνομα 1dβ and s. 2aα above, end). π. εἰς τὸν θάνατον αὐτοῦ ITr 2:1. π. εἰς τὸ αἷμα Χριστοῦ ISm 6:1.

γ. w. ἐπί and dat., of God Ac 11:17 D. Of Christ: Mt 27:42 v.l.; J 3:15 v.l.; Ro 9:33; 10:11; 1 Pt 2:6 (the last three Is 28:16); 1 Ti 1:16.

δ. w. ἐπί and acc. (Wsd 12:2; Just., D. 46, 1 al.) of God: Ac 16:34 D; Ro 4:5, 24; PtK 3 p. 15, 12. Of Christ: Mt 27:42; J 3:15 v.l.; Ac 9:42; 11:17; 16:31; 22:19.

ε. π. ἔν τινι believe in someone (Jer 12:6; Da 6:24 Theod.; Ps 77:22) is questionable in our lit.: in J 3:15 the best rdg. is ἐν αὐτῷ and is prob. to be construed w. ἔχῃ (in J πιστεύω usually takes the prep. εἰς when expressing the obj. of belief, as in 3:16); in Eph 1:13 both occurrences of ἐν ᾧ are prob. to be construed w. ἐσφραγίσθητε (=‘in connection with whom you have been sealed’ [cp. 4:30]); the acts of hearing and believing are coordinate, and πιστεύσαντες, along w. ἀκούσαντες, is used abs. (so REB; less clearly NRSV). But s. 1aε above: π. ἐν τῷ εὐαγγελίῳ Mk 1:15; IPhld 8:2.

ⓑ not expressed at all (the abs. πιστεύειν in a transcendent sense: Aeschin., In Ctesiph. 1 ἐγὼ πεπιστευκὼς ἥκω πρῶτον τοῖς θεοῖς; Aristot., Rhet. 2, 17, 1391b, 1ff; Plut., Mor. 170f; Porphyr., Ad Marcellam 24 πιστεῦσαι δεῖ, ὅτι [=because] μόνη σωτηρία ἡ πρὸς τὸν θεὸν ἐπιστροφή; Herm. Wr. 9, 10ab ἐπίστευσε καὶ ἐν τῇ καλῇ πίστει ἐπανεπαύσατο; cp. 1, 32 πιστεύω καὶ μαρτυρῶ=PapBerl 9795 [RReitzenstein, Studien z. antiken Synkretismus 1926, p. 161, 2]; Num 20:12; Ps 115:1; Is 7:9; Sir 2:13; 1 Macc 2:59; Philo, Rer. Div. Her. 14; 101, Deus Imm. 4, Mut. Nom. 178; τότε πιστεύσεις θέλων καὶ μὴ θέλων Theoph. Ant. 1, 8 [p. 74, 7]) Mk 15:32; 16:16f; Lk 8:12f; J 1:7, 50; 3:15, 18b; 4:41f, 48, 53; 5:44; 6:36, 47, 64ab, perh. 69 (MEnslin, The Perf. Tense in the Fourth Gosp.: JBL 55, ’36, 121–31, esp. 128); 9:38; 10:26; 11:15, 40; 12:39; 20:31b; Ac 4:4; 8:13, 37a; 11:21; 13:12, 39, 48; 14:1; 15:5, 7; 17:12, 34; 18:8b, 27; 19:2; 21:25; Ro 1:16; 3:22; 4:11; 10:4; 13:11; 15:13; 1 Cor 1:21; 3:5; 15:2; Gal 3:22; Eph 1:13, 19; 1 Th 2:10, 13; Hb 4:3; 1 Pt 2:7; 1 Cl 12:7; 2 Cl 17:3; 20:2; B 9:3; B 11:11; ISm 3:2; Hs 8, 10, 3; 9, 17, 4; 9, 22, 3. τὸ πιστεύειν faith IMg 9:2. ἐν ἀγάπῃ πιστεύειν IPhld 9:2 (ἐν ἀγάπῃ is here used adv.).—Participles in the var. tenses are also used almost subst.: (οἱ) πιστεύοντες (the) believers, (the) Christians (Orig., C. Cels. 1, 13, 34; Did., Gen. 106, 6) Ac 2:44; Ro 3:22; 1 Cor 14:22ab (opp. οἱ ἄπιστοι); 1 Th 1:7; Hs 8, 3, 3. (οἱ) πιστεύσαντες (those) who made their commitment = (those) who became believers, (the) Christians, Ac 2:44 v.l.; 4:32; 2 Th 1:10a; 2 Cl 2:3; Hs 9, 19, 1. οἱ πεπιστευκότες those who became (and remained) believers Ac 19:18; 21:20 (Just., D. 122, 2).—οἱ μέλλοντες πιστεύειν future believers 1 Cl 42:4; Hm 4, 3, 3a. οἱ νῦν πιστεύσαντες those who have just come to believe ibid. 4, 3, 3b.

ⓒ A special kind of this faith is the confidence that God or Christ is in a position to help suppliants out of their distress, have confidence (some of the passages already mentioned might just as well be classified here) abs. ὡς ἐπίστευσας γενηθήτω σοι may it be done to you in accordance with the confidence you have Mt 8:13. ὅσα ἂν αἰτήσητε πιστεύοντες whatever you pray for with confidence 21:22. Cp. Mk 5:36; 9:23f; Lk 8:50; 2 Cor 4:13a (Ps 115:1), b. W. ὅτι foll.: πιστεύετε ὅτι δύναμαι τοῦτο ποιῆσαι; do you have confidence that I am able to do this? Mt 9:28.—Mk 11:23.

③ entrust τινί τι someth. to someone (X., Mem. 4, 4, 17; Plut., Mor. 519e; Athen. 8, 341a; Lucian, Dial. Deor. 25, 1; SIG² 845, 7, see for numerous other examples index VI p. 384b. Cp. Wsd 14:5; 1 Macc 8:16; 4 Macc 4:7; TestJob 11:11; Jos., Bell. 4, 492; Hippol., Ref. 9, 12, 6) τὸ ἀληθινὸν τίς ὑμῖν πιστεύσει; Lk 16:11. αὐτῷ τοσούτων πιστευο̣μ̣έ̣ν̣ω̣ν̣ since so many (or so much) were ( was) entrusted to him AcPl Ha 7, 21 (connection uncertain). αὐτόν (so N. and Tdf.; v.l. ἑαυτόν) τινι trust oneself to someone (Brutus, Ep. 25; Plut., Mor. 181d ἀνδρὶ μᾶλλον ἀγαθῷ πιστεύσας ἑαυτὸν ἢ ὀχυρῷ τόπῳ=entrusting himself to a good man rather than to a stronghold; EpArist 270; Jos., Ant. 12, 396) J 2:24 (EStauffer, CDodd Festschr., ’56, 281–99.—Diod S 34 + 35 Fgm. 39a οὐ τοῖς τυχοῦσι φίλοις ἑαυτὸν ἐπίστευσεν=he did not trust himself to casual friends).—Pass. πιστεύομαί τι (B-D-F §159, 4) I am entrusted with someth. (Pla., Ep. 1, 309a; Polyb. 8, 17, 5; 31, 26, 7; Diod S 20, 19, 2; Appian, Bell. Civ. 2, 136 §568 ἃ ἐπιστεύθην; ins; pap [e.g. PLond I, 121, 608 p. 203]; Jos., Bell. 5, 567, Vi. 137; Ath. 24, 3. Cp. Esth 8:12e.—Dssm., LO 320f [LAE 379]). ἐπιστεύθησαν τὰ λόγια τοῦ θεοῦ Ro 3:2. πεπίστευμαι τὸ εὐαγγέλιον Gal 2:7 (PGM 13, 140 ὁ ὑπό σου πάντα πιστευθείς; 446); cp. 1 Th 2:4; 1 Ti 1:11.—Tit 1:3. οἰκονομίαν πεπίστευμαι 1 Cor 9:17; cp. Dg 7:1. S. also 7:2; IMg 6:1; IPhld 9:1ab. πιστεύομαί τι παρά τινος I am entrusted by someone with someth. (Polyb. 3, 69, 1; Jos., Bell. 1, 667): οἱ πιστευθέντες παρὰ θεοῦ ἔργον τοιοῦτο 1 Cl 43:1.

④ be confident about, a unique use found in ὸ̔ς μὲν πιστεύει φαγεῖν πάντα, someth. like the one is confident about eating anything Ro 14:2 (a combination of two ideas: ‘the pers. is so strong in the faith’ and: ‘the pers. is convinced that it is permissible to eat anything’; in brief: not cultically fussy. See Ltzm., Hdb. ad loc.; but also B-D-F §397, 2). Another probability is the sense

⑤ think/consider (possible), in Ro 14:2 perh. holds everything possible; cp. J 9:18 οὐκ ἐπίστευσαν they refused to entertain the possibility, and Ac 9:26. S. 4 above.—For lit. s. πίστις, end. DELG s.v. πείθομαι. M-M. EDNT. TW.

σῴζω fut. σώσω; 1 aor. ἔσωσα; pf. σέσωκα. Pass.: impf. ἐσῳζόμην; fut. σωθήσομαι; 1 aor. ἐσώθην; pf. 3 sing. σέσωται Ac 4:9 (UPZ 122, 18 [157 B.C.] σέσωμαι) w. σέσῳσται or σέσωσται as v.l. (s. Tdf. ad loc. and B-D-F §26); ptc. σεσῳσμένος Eph 2:5, 8 (Hom.+—σῴζω [=σωί̈ζω] and the forms surely derived fr. it are to be written w. ι subscript. On the other hand, it is not possible to say how far the ι has spread fr. the present to the tenses formed fr. the root σω-. Kühner-Bl. II 544; B-D-F §26; Mlt-H. 84; Mayser 134)

① to preserve or rescue fr. natural dangers and afflictions, save, keep from harm, preserve, rescue (X., An. 3, 2, 10 οἱ θεοὶ … ἱκανοί εἰσι κ. τοὺς μεγάλους ταχὺ μικροὺς ποιεῖν κ. τοὺς μικροὺς σῴζειν; Musonius p. 32, 10; Chion, Ep. 11; 12 θεοῦ σῴζοντος πλευσοῦμαι; Ar. [Milne 74, 15]).

ⓐ save from death (ins [I B.C.]: Sb 8138, 34 σῴζονθʼ οὗτοι ἅπαντες who call upon Isis in the hour of death) τινά someone (Apollon. Rhod. 3, 323 θεός τις ἅμμʼ [=ἡμᾶς] ἐσάωσεν from danger of death at sea; Diod S 11, 92, 3; PsSol 13:2 ἀπὸ ῥομφαίας [cp. Ps 21:21]) Mt 14:30; 27:40, 42, 49; Mk 15:30f; Lk 23:35ab, 37, 39; 1 Cl 16:16 (Ps 21:9); 59, 4; AcPl Ha 5, 12. Pass. (TestJob 19:2 πῶς οὖν σὺ ἐσώθῃς;) Mt 24:22; Mk 13:20; J 11:12 (ἐγερθήσεται P⁷⁵); Ac 27:20, 31; 1 Cl 7:6. Abs., w. acc. easily supplied Mt 8:25. ψυχὴν σῶσαι save a life (Achilles Tat. 5, 22, 6; PTebt 56, 11 [II B.C.] σῶσαι ψυχὰς πολλάς; EpArist 292; Jos., Ant. 11, 255) Mk 3:4; Lk 6:9; 21:19 v.l. τὴν ψυχὴν αὐτοῦ σῶσαι save one’s own life (Gen 19:17; 1 Km 19:11; Jer 31:6) Mt 16:25; Mk 8:35a=Lk 9:24a (on Mk 8:35b=Lk 9:24b s. 2aβ below); 17:33 v.l. (PGM 5, 140 κύριε [a god] σῶσον ψυχήν).

ⓑ w. ἔκ τινος bring out safely fr. a situation fraught w. mortal danger (X., An. 3, 2, 11; SIG 1130, 1 ἐκ κινδύνων; OGI 69, 4; JosAs 4:8 ἐκ τοῦ λιμοῦ; 28:16 ἐκ τῆς ὀργῆς; Jos., C. Ap. 1, 286) ἐκ γῆς Αἰγύπτου Jd 5. ἐκ χειρὸς Φαραώ AcPl Ha 8, 11; ἐκ Σοδόμων 1 Cl 11:1 (Pla., Gorg. 511d ἐξ Αἰγίνης δεῦρο). ἐκ τῆς ὥρας ταύτης J 12:27. ἐκ θανάτου from (the threat of) death (Hom. et al.; Pla., Gorg. 511c; UPZ 122, 18 [157 B.C.]) Hb 5:7.—Of the evil days of the last tribulation ἐν αἷς ἡμεῖς σωθησόμεθα B 8:6; cp. 1 Cl 59:4.

ⓒ save/free from disease (Hippocr., Coacae Praenotiones 136 vol. 5 p. 612 L.; IG², 1028, 89 [I B.C.]; Mitt-Wilck. I/2, 68, 32 [132 B.C.]: gods bring healing) or from possession by hostile spirits τινά someone ἡ πίστις σου σέσωκέν σε Mt 9:22a; Mk 5:34; 10:52; Lk 8:48; 17:19; 18:42. Cp. Js 5:15; AcPl Ha 5, 31. Pass. be restored to health, get well (Just., D. 112, 1; Ael. Aristid. 33, 9 K.=51 p. 573 D.) Mt 9:21, 22b; Mk 5:23, 28; 6:56; Lk 8:36; Ac 4:9; 14:9. Also of the restoration that comes about when death has already occurred Lk 8:50.

ⓓ keep, preserve in good condition (pap; Did., Gen. 145, 1.—Theoph. Ant. 1, 12 [p. 84, 4]) τὶ someth. (Ath. 17, 2 ὁ τύπος … σῴζεται, R. 20 p. 73, 10 μνήμην and αἴσθησιν; Eunap., Vi. Soph. p. 107: θειασμός) pass. τὴν κλῆσιν σῴζεσθαι Hs 8, 11, 1.

ⓔ pass. thrive, prosper, get on well (SibOr 5, 227) σῴζεσθαι ὅλον τὸ σῶμα 1 Cl 37:5. As a form of address used in parting σῴζεσθε farewell, remain in good health B 21:9 (cp. TestAbr B 2 p. 106, 1 [Stone p. 60] σῶσόν σε ὁ θεός).

② to save or preserve from transcendent danger or destruction, save/preserve from eternal death fr. judgment, and fr. all that might lead to such death, e.g. sin, also in a positive sense bring Messianic salvation, bring to salvation (LXX; Herm. Wr. 13, 19 σῴζειν=‘endow w. everlasting life’.—Of passing over into a state of salvation and a higher life: Cebes 3, 2; 4, 3; 14, 1. Opp. κολάζειν Orig., C. Cels. 2, 38, 16).

ⓐ act. τινά someone or τὶ someth.

α. of God and Christ: God (ApcEsdr 2:17 p. 26, 9 Tdf. σὺ δὲ ὸ̔ν θέλεις σῴζεις καὶ ὸ̔ν θέλεις ἀπολεῖς) 1 Cor 1:21; 2 Ti 1:9; Tit 3:5; AcPlCor 2:10, 16. The acc. is easily supplied Js 4:12. ὁ θεὸς ὁ σῴζων Mt 16:16 D.—Christ (Orig., C. Cels. 3, 14, 9): Mt 18:11; Lk 19:10; J 12:47; 1 Ti 1:15; 2 Ti 4:18 (εἰς 10d); Hb 7:25; MPol 9:3. σώσει τὸν λαὸν αὐτοῦ ἀπὸ τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν αὐτῶν Mt 1:21 (ς. ἀπό as Jos., Ant. 4, 128); also ἐκ τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν αὐτῶν GJs 11:3; cp. 14:2. The acc. is to be supplied 2 Cl 1:7. διὰ τῶν ἁγνῶν ἀνδρῶν AcPl Ha 1, 16.

β. of persons who are mediators of divine salvation: apostles Ro 11:14; 1 Cor 9:22; 1 Ti 4:16b. The believing partner in a mixed marriage 1 Cor 7:16ab (JJeremias, Die missionarische Aufgabe in der Mischehe, Bultmann Festschr. ’54, 255–60). One Christian of another σώσει ψυχὴν αὐτοῦ ἐκ θανάτου Js 5:20 (on ς. ἐκ θαν. s. 1a above). Cp. Jd 23. Of ultimate personal security 1 Ti 4:16a; Mk 8:35b=Lk 9:24b (for Mk 8:35a=Lk 9:24a s. 1a above).

γ. of qualities, etc., that lead to salvation ἡ πίστις σου σέσωκέν σε Lk 7:50 (s. 1c above). Cp. Js 1:21; 2:14; 1 Pt 3:21; Hv 2, 3, 2. οὐ γάρ ἐστιν π[λοῦτος ἢ τὰ νῦν ἐν τῷ βίῳ λαμπ]ρ̣ὰ σώσι (=σώσει) σε it’s not [the wealth or pomp in this life] that will save you AcPl Ha 9, 8 (for the restoration s. corresponding expressions 2, 21–27).

ⓑ pass. be saved, attain salvation (TestAbr A 11 p. 90, 3 [Stone p. 28] al.; Just., A I, 18, 8 al.; Theoph. Ant. 2, 14 [p. 136, 15]) Mt 10:22; 19:25; 24:13; Mk 10:26; 13:13; 16:16; Lk 8:12; 18:26; J 5:34; 10:9; Ac 2:21 (Jo 3:5); 15:1; 16:30f; Ro 10:9, 13 (Jo 3:5); 11:26; 1 Cor 5:5; 10:33; 1 Th 2:16; 2 Th 2:10; 1 Ti 2:4 (JTurmel, Rev. d’Hist. et de Littérature religieuses 5, 1900, 385–415); 1 Pt 4:18 (Pr 11:31); 2 Cl 4:2; 13:1; IPhld 5:2; Hs 9, 26, 6; AcPl Ha 1, 5 and 21.—σωθῆναι διά τινος through someone (Ctesias: 688 Fgm. 8a p. 452 Jac. [in Ps.-Demetr., Eloc. c. 213] σὺ μὲν διʼ ἐμὲ ἐσώθης, ἐγὼ δέ; Herm. Wr. 1, 26b ὅπως τὸ γένος τῆς ἀνθρωπότητος διὰ σοῦ ὑπὸ θεοῦ σωθῇ) J 3:17; 2 Cl 3:3; through someth. (Mel., P. 60, 440 διὰ τοῦ αἵματος) Ac 15:11; 1 Cor 15:2; 1 Ti 2:15 (διά A 3c); Hv 3, 3, 5; 3, 8, 3 (here faith appears as a person, but still remains as a saving quality); 4, 2, 4. ἔν τινι in or through someone 1 Cl 38:1; AcPl Ha 2, 29; in or through someth. Ac 4:12; 11:14; Ro 5:10. ὑπό τινος by someone (Herm. Wr. 9, 5 ὑπὸ τ. θεοῦ ς.; Philo, Leg. All. 2, 101 ὑπὸ θεοῦ σῴζεται) 2 Cl 8:2. ἀπό τινος save oneself by turning away from Ac 2:40 (on ς. ἀπό s. 2aα above; ELövestam, ASTI 12, ’83, 84–92). διά τινος ἀπό τινος through someone from someth. Ro 5:9.—χάριτι by grace Eph 2:5; Pol 1:3. τῇ χάριτι διὰ πίστεως Eph 2:8. τῇ ἐλπίδι ἐσώθημεν (only) in hope have we (thus far) been saved or it is in the context of this hope that we have been saved (i.e., what is to come climaxes what is reality now) Ro 8:24.—οἱ σῳζόμενοι those who are to be or are being saved (Iren. 1, 3, 5 [Harv. I 30, 9]) Lk 13:23; Ac 2:47 (BMeyer, CBQ 27, ’65, 37f: cp. Is 37:2); 1 Cor 1:18; 2 Cor 2:15 (opp. οἱ ἀπολλύμενοι in the last two passages); Rv 21:24 t.r. (Erasmian rdg.); 1 Cl 58:2; MPol 17:2.

③ Certain passages belong under 1 and 2 at the same time. They include Mk 8:35=Lk 9:24 (s. 1a and 2a β above) and Lk 9:[56] v.l., where σῴζειν is used in contrast to destruction by fire fr. heaven, but also denotes the bestowing of transcendent salvation (cp. Cornutus 16 p. 21, 9f οὐ πρὸς τὸ βλάπτειν, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὸ σῴζειν γέγονεν ὁ λόγος [=Ἑρμῆς]). In Ro 9:27 τὸ ὑπόλειμμα σωθήσεται (Is 10:22) the remnant that is to escape death is interpreted to mean the minority who are to receive the Messianic salvation. In 1 Cor 3:15 escape fr. a burning house is a symbol for the attainment of eternal salvation (πῦρ a; cp. also Cebes 3, 4 ἐὰν δέ τις γνῷ, ἡ ἀφροσύνη ἀπόλλυται, αὐτὸς δὲ σῷζεται).—WWagner, Über σώζειν u. seine Derivata im NT: ZNW 6, 1905, 205–35; J-BColon, La conception du Salut d’après les Év. Syn.: RSR 10, 1930, 1–39; 189–217; 370–415; 11, ’31, 27–70; 193–223; 382–412; JSevenster, Het verlossingsbegrip bij Philo. Vergeleken met de verlossingsgedachten van de Syn. evangeliën ’36; PMinear, And Great Shall be your Reward ’41; MGoguel, Les fondements de l’assurance du salut chez l’ap. Paul: RHPR 17, ’38, 105–44; BHHW II 995, 1068.—B. 752. DELG s.v. σῶς. M-M. EDNT. TW. Spicq. Sv.

οὐρανός, οῦ, ὁ 24:31 (Hom.+; ‘heaven’ in various senses)

① the portion or portions of the universe gener. distinguished from planet earth, heaven (so mostly in the sing.; s. B-D-F §141, 1)

ⓐ mentioned w. the earth

α. forming a unity w. it as the totality of creation (Pla., Euthyd. 296d οὐρανὸς καὶ γῆ; Gen 1:1; 14:19, 22; Tob 7:17 BA; Jdth 9:12; Bel 5; 1 Macc 2:37 al.; PsSol 8:7; ParJer 5:32; Just., D. 74, 1; PGM 13, 784 ὁ βασιλεύων τῶν οὐρανῶν κ. τῆς γῆς κ. πάντων τῶν ἐν αὐτοῖς ἐνδιατριβόντων; Orig., C. Cels. 6, 59, 6; Theoph. Ant. 1, 4 [p. 64, 13]) ὁ οὐρανὸς καὶ ἡ γῆ Mt 5:18; 11:25; 24:35; Mk 13:31; Lk 10:21; 16:17; 21:33; Ac 4:24; 14:15; 17:24 (on the absence of the art. s. B-D-F §253, 3); Rv 14:7; 20:11; Dg 3:4; AcPlCor 2:9; 19.

β. standing independently beside the earth or contrasted w. it: Mt 5:34f; Ac 7:49 (cp. on both Is 66:1). ἐν (τῷ) οὐρανῷ καὶ ἐπὶ (τῆς) γῆς Mt 6:10; 28:18; Lk 11:2 v.l.; Rv 5:13.—1 Cor 8:5; Rv 5:3; ISm 11:2. τὸ πρόσωπον τ. γῆς καὶ τ. οὐρανοῦ Lk 12:56. Cp. Hb 12:26 (Hg 2:6); Js 5:12.—τὰ ἔσχατα τ. γῆς as extreme contrast to heaven 1 Cl 28:3. By God’s creative word the heaven was fixed and the earth founded on the waters Hv 1, 3, 4. Neither heaven nor earth can be comprehended by human measure 16:2 (Is 40:12). On ἀπʼ ἄκρου γῆς ἕως ἄκρου οὐρανοῦ Mk 13:27 s. under ἄκρον. ὁ πρῶτος οὐρ. καὶ ἡ πρώτη γῆ will give way in the last times to the οὐρ. καινός and the γῆ καινή Rv 21:1 (cp. Is 65:17; 66:22).

ⓑ as firmament or sky over the earth; out of reach for humans Hm 11:18. Hence ἕως οὐρανοῦ (ApcEsdr 4:32) Mt 11:23; Lk 10:15 or εἰς τὸν οὐρ. Hv 4, 1, 5 as an expr. denoting a great height. Likew. ἀπὸ τ. γῆς ἕως τ. οὐρανοῦ 1 Cl 8:3 (scripture quot. of unknown origin); GPt 10:40 (for a transcendent being who walks on the earth and whose head touches the sky, s. Il. 4, 443). Since the heaven extends over the whole earth, ὑπὸ τὸν οὐρ. under (the) heaven = on earth, throughout the earth (Pla., Tim. 23c, Ep. 7, 326c; UPZ 106, 14 [99 B.C.]; Eccl 1:13; 3:1; Just., A II, 5, 2) Ac 2:5; 4:12; Col 1:23; Hs 9, 17, 4; m 12, 4, 2. ὑποκάτωθεν τοῦ οὐρανοῦ throughout the earth 1 Cl 53:3 (Dt 9:14). ἐκ τῆς (i.e. χώρας) ὑπὸ τὸν οὐρ. εἰς τὴν ὑπʼ οὐρανόν from one place on earth to another Lk 17:24 (cp. Dt 29:19; Bar 5:3; 2 Macc 2:18 ἐκ τῆς ὑπὸ τὸν οὐρ. εἰς τὸν ἅγιον τόπον).—In the last days there will appear τέρατα ἐν τ. οὐρανῷ ἄνω wonders in the heaven above Ac 2:19 (Jo 3:3 v.l.). σημεῖον ἐν τῷ οὐρ. Rv 12:1, 3 (cp. Diod S 2, 30, 1 τὰ ἐν οὐρανῷ γινόμενα=what takes place in the heavens; Ael. Aristid. 50, 56 K.=26 p. 519 D., where the statue of Asclepius from Pergamum appears ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ). The sky can even be rolled up; s. ἑλίσσω.—Rain falls fr. heaven (X., An. 4, 2, 2) and heaven is closed to bring about a drought Lk 4:25.—Rv 11:6; Js 5:18 (cp. 2 Ch 6:26; 7:13; Sir 48:3). Lightning also comes fr. heaven (Bacchylides 17, 55f ἀπʼ οὐρανοῦ … ἀστραπάν [=Attic-ήν]) Lk 10:18. Likew. of other things that come down like rain to punish sinners: fire Lk 9:54 (cp. 4 Km 1:10; TestAbr A 10 p. 88, 14 [Stone p. 24]); Rv 20:9; fire and brimstone Lk 17:29 (cp. Gen 19:24); apocalyptic hail Rv 16:21; AcPl Ha 5, 7.

ⓒ as starry heaven IEph 19:2. τὰ ἄστρα τοῦ οὐρ. (cp. ἄστρον and s. Eur., Phoen. 1; Diod S 6, 2, 2 ἥλιον κ. σελήνην κ. τὰ ἄλλα ἄστρα τὰ κατʼ οὐρανόν; Ael. Aristid. 43, 13 K.=1 p. 5 D.; TestAbr A 1 p. 78, 1 [Stone p. 4]; JosAs 2:11) Hb 11:12. οἱ ἀστέρες τοῦ οὐρ. 1 Cl 32:2 (Gen 22:17); cp. 10:6 (Gen 15:5). In the time of tribulation at the end of the world the stars will fall fr. heaven Mt 24:29a; Mk 13:25a; Rv 6:13; 12:4. Cp. 8:10; 9:1. ἡ στρατιὰ τοῦ οὐρ. (s. οὐράνιος) the host of heaven, of the stars, which some Israelites illicitly worshipped Ac 7:42 (worship of the στρατιὰ τοῦ οὐρ. in enmity to Yahweh also Jer 7:18; 19:13; Zeph 1:5; 2 Ch 33:3, 5). These are also meant by the δυνάμεις τῶν οὐρανῶν Mt 24:29b; Lk 21:26; cp. Mk 13:25b (cp. δύναμις 4).

ⓓ as place of atmosphere (cp. TestAbr A 9 p. 87, 15 [Stone p. 22] εἰς τὴν αἰθέρα τοῦ οὐρανοῦ); clouds hover in it, the νεφέλαι τοῦ οὐρ. (s. νεφέλη) Mt 24:30b; 26:64; Mk 14:62; D 16:8. Likew. the birds, τὰ πετεινὰ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ (Gen 1:26; Ps 8:9; Jdth 11:7; ParJer 7:3; cp. Bar 3:17) Mt 6:26; 8:20; 13:32; Mk 4:32; Lk 8:5; 9:58; Ac 10:12; 11:6; 6:12 (Gen 1:26), 18; Hs 9, 24, 1; GJs 3:2 codd.; 18:2 codd.—πυρράζει ὁ οὐρανός Mt 16:2, 3.—In connection w. τὸν σατανᾶν ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ πεσόντα Lk 10:18 the atmosphere may well be thought of as an abode of evil spirits. On Satan as the ἄρχων τῆς ἐξουσίας τοῦ ἀέρος, s. ἀήρ. Cp. also the λεγόμενοι θεοὶ εἴτε ἐν οὐρ. εἴτε ἐπὶ γῆς 1 Cor 8:5. In any case Rv 12:7f speaks of the dragon and his angels as being in heaven.

ⓔ The concept of more than one heaven (the idea is Semitic; but s. FTorm, ZNW 33, ’34, 48–50, who refers to Anaximander and Aristot. Also Ps.-Apollod. 1, 6, 1, 2 ms. and Achilles Tat. 2, 36, 4 and 37, 2 ms. have οὐρανοί; Himerius, Or. 66 [=Or. 20], 4 οὐρανοί as the abode of the gods; also Hesychius Miles. [VI A.D.] c. 66 JFlach of the ‘godless heathen’ Tribonian.—Schlatter, Mt² p. 58 on 3:2: ‘The pl. οὐρανοί is found neither in Philo nor Joseph.’ Cp. PKatz, Philo’s Bible ’50, 141–46; Mussies 84) is also found in our lit. (s. 1aα; Theoph. Ant. 1, 4 [p. 64, 15]), but it is not always possible to decide with certainty just where the idea is really alive and where it simply survives in a formula (in J’s Gospel the pl. is entirely absent; Rv has it only 12:12 [fr. LXX]. Eph always has the pl. In others the sing. and pl. are interchanged for no apparent reason [cp. Hb 9:23 w. 24 or Hv 1, 1, 4 w. 1, 2, 1; also GPt 10:40f; Ps. 113:11 lines 1 and 2; TestAbr, TestJob, Just., Tat.]): the third heaven (cp. Ps.-Lucian, Philopatris 12 ἐς τρίτον οὐρανὸν ἀεροβατήσας [s. on ἀνακαινίζω and πνεῦμα 8]; PSI 29, 2ff [IV A.D.?] ἐπικαλοῦμαί σε τὸν καθήμενον ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ οὐρανῷ … ἐν τῷ β´ οὐρ. … ἐν τῷ γ´ οὐρ.; Simplicius, In Epict. p. 100, 13 Düb. ὀκτὼ οὐρανοί; TestLevi 3:3; GrBar 11:1 εἰς πέμπτον οὐ. Combination of the third heaven and paradise, GrBar 10:1ff; ApcMos 37. S. τρίτος 1a) 2 Cor 12:2 (s. JohJeremias, Der Gottesberg 1919, 41ff; Ltzm., Hdb.⁴ ’49, exc. on 2 Cor 12:3f [lit.]). ὑπεράνω πάντων τῶν οὐρανῶν Eph 4:10. τ. πάντα ἐν τ. οὐρανοῖς κ. ἐπὶ τ. γῆς Col 1:16; cp. vs. 20. ἔργα τ. χειρῶν σού εἰσιν οἱ οὐρ. Hb 1:10 (Ps 101:26).—4:14; 7:26; 2 Pt 3:5, 7, 10, 12f (of the heavens, their destruction in the final conflagration, and their replacement by the καινοὶ οὐρ.); 1 Cl 20:1; 33:3. τακήσονταί τινες τῶν οὐρανῶν 2 Cl 16:3.—S. also Lampe s.v. 2.—From the concept of various celestial levels a transition is readily made to

② transcendent abode, heaven (the pl. is preferred for this mng.: B-D-F §141, 1; Rob. 408)

ⓐ as the dwelling-place (or throne) of God (Sappho, Fgm. 56 D.² [=Campbell 54] of Eros; Solon 1, 22 D.³ of Zeus; Hom. Hymn to Aphrodite 291 [all three οὐρ. in the sing. as the seat of the gods]; Pla., Phdr. 246e ὁ μέγας ἐν οὐρανῷ Ζεύς; Ps.-Aristot., De Mundo 2, 2; 3, 4 ὁ οὐρ. as οἰκητήριον θεοῦ or θεῶν; Dio Chrys. 19[36], 22 θεῶν μακάρων κατʼ οὐρανόν; Artem. 2, 68 p. 159, 13 ὁ οὐρανὸς θεῶν ἐστὶν οἶκος; Ael. Aristid. 43, 14 K.=1 p. 5 D.; Maximus Tyr. 11, 11b; ins from Saïtaï in Lydia [δύναμις 5]; IAndrosIsis, Cyrene 8 p. 129.—On the OT: GWestphal, Jahwes Wohnstätten 1908, 214–73) Mt 23:22; Ac 7:55f; Hb 8:1; 16:2b (Is 66:1); Dg 10:7. ὁ θεὸς ὁ ἐν τοῖς οὐρ. Hv 1, 1, 6 (cp. Tob 5:17 S). ὁ θεὸς τοῦ οὐρ. (Gen 24:3) Rv 11:13; 16:11. ὁ κύριος ἐν οὐρανοῖς Eph 6:9; cp. Col 4:1. ὁ πατὴρ ὑμῶν (μου, ἡμῶν) ὁ ἐν (τοῖς) οὐρ. (silver tablet fr. Amisos: ARW 12, 1909, 25 ἐγώ εἰμι ὁ μέγας ὁ ἐν οὐρανῷ καθήμενος) Mt 5:16, 45; 6:1, 9; 7:11, 21b; 10:33; 12:50; 16:17; 18:10b, 14, 19; Mk 11:25f; Lk 11:2 v.l.; D 8:2 (here the sing. ὁ ἐν τῷ οὐρ. Cp. PGM 12, 261 τῷ ἐν οὐρανῷ θεῷ). ὁ πατὴρ ὁ ἐξ οὐρανοῦ the Father who (gives) from heaven Lk 11:13 (Jos., Ant. 9, 73 ἐκχέαι τὸν θεὸν ἐξ οὐρανοῦ). God dwells in τὰ ὕψη τῶν οὐρ. 1 Cl 36:2. Therefore the one who prays looks up toward heaven: ἀναβλέπειν εἰς τὸν οὐρ. (s. ἀναβλέπω 1) Mt 14:19; Mk 6:41; 7:34; Lk 9:16; MPol 9:2; 14:1. ἀτενίσας εἰς τὸν οὐρ. εἶδεν δόξαν θεοῦ Ac 7:55; ἐπάρας τ. ὀφθαλμοὺς αὐτοῦ εἰς τὸν οὐρ. J 17:1.—The Spirit of God comes fr. (the open) heaven Mt 3:16; Mk 1:10; Lk 3:21; J 1:32; Ac 2:2(–4); 1 Pt 1:12; AcPlCor 2:5. The voice of God resounds fr. it (Maximus Tyr. 35, 7b Διὸς ἐξ οὐρανοῦ μέγα βοῶντος, the words follow) Mt 3:17; Mk 1:11; Lk 3:22; J 12:28; Ac 11:9; MPol 9:1 (cp. Just., D. 88, 8), and it is gener. the place where divine pronouncements originate Ac 11:5 and their end vs. 10. The ὀργὴ θεοῦ reveals itself fr. heaven Ro 1:18 (s. Jos., Bell. 1, 630 τὸν ἀπʼ οὐρανοῦ δικαστήν). Also, a σημεῖον ἐκ (ἀπὸ) τοῦ οὐρ. is a sign given by God Mt 16:1; Mk 8:11; Lk 11:16; cp. 21:11.—Lampe s.v. 4.

ⓑ Christ is ἐξ οὐρανοῦ from heaven, of a heavenly nature 1 Cor 15:47 (s. ἄνθρωπος 1d. On this HKennedy, St. Paul and the Conception of the ‘Heavenly Man’: Exp. 8th ser., 7, 1913, 97–110; EGraham, CQR 113, ’32, 226) and has come down from heaven J 3:13b, 31; 6:38, 42, 50 (Ar. 15, 1 ἀπʼ οὐρανοῦ καταβάς; Mel., P. 66, 467 ἀφικόμενος ἐξ οὐρανῶν), as ὁ ἄρτος ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ (s. ἄρτος 2). Cp. Ro 10:6. He returned to heaven (τὴν ἔνσαρκον εἰς τοὺς οὐρανοὺ ἀνάληψιν Iren. 1, 10, 1 [Harv. I 91, 2]; on the ascension s. CHönn, Studien zur Geschichte der Hf. im klass. Altertum: Progr. Mannheim 1910; EPfister, Der Reliquienkult im Altertum II 1912, 480ff; HDiels, Himmels u. Höllenfahrten v. Homer bis Dante: NJklA 49, 1922, 239–53; RHolland, Zur Typik der Himmelfahrt: ARW 23, 1925, 207–20; JKroll, Gott u. Hölle ’32, 533 [ind.: Ascensus]; WMichaelis, Zur Überl. der Hf.s-geschichte: ThBl 4, 1925, 101–9; AFridrichsen, D. Hf. bei Lk: ibid. 6, 1927, 337–41; GBertram, Die Hf. Jesu vom Kreuz: Deissmann Festschr. 1927, 187–217 [UHolzmeister, ZKT 55, ’31, 44–82]; HSchlier, Christus u. d. Kirche im Eph 1930, 1ff; VLarrañaga, L’Ascension de Notre-Seigneur dans le NT ’38 [fr. Spanish]. S. also at ἀνάστασις 2 end, and διά A 2a) to live there in glory: Mk 16:19; Lk 24:51; Ac 1:10f (AZwiep, The Ascension of the Messiah in Lukan Christology ’97); 2:34; 7:55f; 9:3; 22:6; 1 Pt 3:22; 15:9. Christians await his return fr. heaven: Ac 1:11; Phil 3:20; 1 Th 1:10; 4:16; 2 Th 1:7 (Just., A I, 51, 8 al.).—When Messianic woes have come to an end, τότε φανήσεται τὸ σημεῖον τοῦ υἱοῦ τ. ἀνθρώπου ἐν οὐρανῷ then the sign of the Human One (who is) in heaven will appear; acc. to the context, the sign consists in this, that he appears visibly in heavenly glory Mt 24:30.—Lampe s.v. 10b.

ⓒ as the abode of angels (Gen 21:17; 22:11; Ps.-Clem., Hom. 8, 12; TestAbr A 4 p. 80, 34 [Stone p. 8]; ParJer 3:2; ApcMos 38; Just., D. 57, 2) Mt 18:10a; 22:30; 24:36; 28:2; Mk 12:25; 13:32; Lk 2:15; 22:43; J 1:51; Gal 1:8; Rv 10:1; 18:1; 19:14; 20:1. Cp. Eph 3:15.—Lampe s.v. 7.

ⓓ Christians who have died also dwell in heaven (cp. Dio Chrys. 23 [40], 35 οὐρανοῦ καὶ τῶν ἐν αὐτῷ θείων κ. μακαρίων αἰώνιον τάξιν; Libanius, Or. 21 p. 459, 9 F. πόρρω τοῦ τὸν οὐρανὸν οἰκοῦντος χοροῦ; Oenomaus in Eus., PE 5, 33, 5; 12; Artem. 2, 68 p. 160, 25 τὰς ψυχὰς ἀπαλλαγείσας τῶν σωμάτων εἰς τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀνιέναι τάχει χρωμένας ὑπερβάλλοντι; Himerius, Or. 8 [=23], 23: the daemon of the dead holds the σῶμα of the dead person, τὴν ψυχὴν ὁ οὐρανός; Quintus Smyrn. 7, 88; TestAbr A 20 p. 103, 26 [Stone p. 54]; TestJob 39:13; ApcEsdr 7:3). Their life, τὸ ἀληθῶς ἐν οὐρανῷ ζῆν, stands in strong contrast to the ὄντως θάνατος, that leads to the everlasting fire Dg 10:7b. Rhoda, who greets Hermas from heaven Hv 1, 1, 4, need not have died (s. MDibelius, Hdb. ad loc.), and still she shows us that heaven is open to the devout. Furthermore, the true citizenship of Christians is in heaven (Tat. 16, 1 τὴν ἐν οὐρανοῖς πορείαν; s. πολίτευμα) Phil 3:20; cp. Dg 5:9. Their names are enrolled in heaven (s. βίβλος 2) Lk 10:20; Hb 12:23. In heaven there await them their glorified body 2 Cor 5:1f, their reward Mt 5:12; Lk 6:23, their treasure Mt 6:20; Lk 12:33, the things they hoped for Col 1:5, their inheritance 1 Pt 1:4. It is a place of peace Lk 19:38.—ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ the New Jerusalem (s. Ἱεροσόλυμα 2) will come down to earth Rv 3:12; 21:2, 10.

ⓔ The concept of a heaven in which God, attendant spirits of God, and the righteous dead abide, makes it easy to understand the taking over of certain OT expressions in which heaven is personified εὐφραίνεσθε οἱ οὐρανοί (cp. Is 44:23; 49:13; Mel., P. 98, 747) Rv 12:12; cp. 18:20; 9:3 (Is 1:2); 11:2 (Jer 2:12); 1 Cl 27:7 (Ps 18:2).

③ an indirect reference to God, God fig. ext. of 2 (s. βασιλεία 1b.—A common Hebrew practice, but not unknown among polytheists: Philippides Com. [IV/III B.C.] 27 νὴ τὸν οὐρανόν. Acc. to Clem. Al., Protr. 5, 66, 4 Θεόφραστος πῇ μὲν οὐρανὸν, πῇ δὲ πνεῦμα τὸν θεὸν ὑπονοεῖ=Theophrastus at one time thinks of God as heaven and at another time as spirit; Appian, Hann. 56 §233 σημεῖα ἐκ Διός [ln. 14 Viereck-R.]=ἐξ οὐρανοῦ [ln. 16]; JosAs 19:2; SEG XXVIII, 1251, 3 [III/IV A.D.; s. New Docs 3, 49f]). ἁμαρτάνειν εἰς τὸν οὐρ. sin against God Lk 15:18, 21. ἐξ οὐρανοῦ ἢ ἐξ ἀνθρώπων Mt 21:25; Mk 11:30f; Lk 20:4f. βασιλεία τῶν οὐρ. (GrBar 11:2) in Mt=βασιλεία τοῦ θεοῦ 3:2; 4:17; 5:3, 10, 19f; 7:21; 8:11; 10:7; 11:11f; 13:11, 24, 31, 33, 44f, 47, 52; 16:19; 18:1, 3f, 23; 19:12, 14, 23; 20:1; 22:2; 23:13; 25:1: J 3:5 v.l.; AcPl Ha 8, 31 (restored)=BMM verso 3.—B. 53; 1484. DELG. M-M. DLNT 439–43. EDNT. TW. Sv.